Friday, December 4, 2015

Seasonal Appeal: China’s missing children - Financial Times

  http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/9704cbdc-8eaa-11e5-8be4-3506bf20cc2b.html#ixzz3tFsyIZ3c
December 2, 2015 4:18 pm


Seasonal Appeal: China’s missing children

Thousands are trafficked each year. But parents are working together to fight organised kidnapping
Z
haoyuan was playing by the village store when he disappeared. His worried grandparents found the toddler’s footprints in the path by the local temple. And then, nothing.
The villagers waded through ponds and probed wells. They combed through abandoned houses and sugar cane fields. After a few hours, they called the boy’s father home from his factory job in the nearby city. He called the police.
That was January. Nearly a year later, there are no clues. Every morning before his factory shift begins, Zhaoyuan’s father Chen Shengkuan searches preschools and parks in Zhanjiang, a small city in southern China. Squatting on the kerb he scans passing children.
“I can only relax if I’ve tired myself out with looking,” says Mr Chen, a 28-year-old whose legs were paralysed by childhood polio. “Every day at work, I am consumed with the thought of him. At night, I lie in bed thinking: ‘How could he have disappeared from the village?’”
Zhaoyuan’s family has come to the grim conclusion that he is one of the thousands of children trafficked in China. The trade ranges from the informal — babies given up by impoverished rural families — to criminal gangs who kidnap children and sell them. The police are treating Zhaoyuan’s disappearance as a kidnapping. 
In China, babies and toddlers, especially boys like Zhaoyuan, are in demand for adoption. Girls might be raised as future brides. Teenagers can be tricked into prostitution or work as unpaid labourers in low-margin industries like brickmaking.
For this year’s Seasonal Appeal, the Financial Times is working in partnership with Stop The Traffik, an organisation that raises awareness of this modern-day slave trade, whose victims the UN says have been found in 124 countries. Many cases blur the lines, especially as vulnerable people cross borders to escape conflict or look for work. Forced labour — the main form of trafficking in central and east Asia — accounts for 40 per cent of all cases and, according to the International Labour Organisation, generates $150bn a year in private profits. In China as elsewhere, teenagers lured with the promise of work find themselves uncompensated and unable to escape. 

Seasonal Appeal 2015



How human trafficking spans the world — In-depth reports from Nepal, Italy, China, Brazil and beyond reveal how criminal networks prey on migrants and those they leave behind, as part of the FT’s 2015 Seasonal Appeal
“There are many cases where trafficking isn’t necessarily a helpful term — or where it might not be the most accurate,” says Bridget Anderson, research director at Oxford university’s Centre on Migration, Policy and Society. “But kidnapping children in China is as clear as it could be.”

Urbanisation drives abductions

Like many children of migrant workers, 20-month-old Zhaoyuan lived with his grandparents in a village with only a few dozen elderly inhabitants, crumbling brick houses and lanes filled with weeds. Mr Chen visited as often as he could. Family photos show him beaming with pride at his son, who shares his long eyelashes and crooked grin.
The country’s rapid economic development has been driven by the flood of young adults like Mr Chen into growing cities. That creates an opening for kidnappers to nab toddlers like Zhaoyuan who play unsupervised in half-abandoned villages or city slums. 
By the time Mr Chen joined the search for his son, Zhaoyuan was probably long gone. Traffickers typically pass a drugged, sleeping child to young women who board a long-distance bus. Handed off again at a train station, he could have been whisked anywhere on China’s 120,000km rail network.
“Child abduction ties into more people leaving their hometowns for work,” says Pi Yijun, a criminologist at the China University of Political Science and Law. “When there are more migrant workers there are more left-behind children.” 
Recent legal cases against traffickers in Mr Chen’s province, Guangdong, have revealed that the price of a trafficked child ranges from Rmb10,000 ($1,500) to Rmb100,000. Boys on average fetch twice the price of girls. Most stay within China but some end up in international adoptions — joining the millions of people forcibly moved across borders in what is a growing global trade.
China’s child trafficking problem is inseparable from its policy on population control. Kidnappers steal from regions where enforcement is lax — like the rural south-west — and sell into regions where tough enforcement of the one-child policy has left a shortage of heirs and brides. In some provinces, it is cheaper to buy a child than pay the fine for having a second or third. Rising infertility in cities creates more demand.
For years, harsh punishment for violating the one-child policy created a supply of healthy and available babies. Boys were quickly placed in China; over the course of two decades about 120,000 children, mostly girls, were adopted overseas. “The one-child policy put a price on healthy children, primarily male children, through creating a shortage. This manifested itself in two ways: through the international adoption market, and likely in domestic cases of missing children,” says Mei Fong, author of One Child, the Story of China’s Most Radical Experiment .
But by the mid 2000s, the one-child policy had eased, more couples could afford fines and birth control was more reliable. Birth rates plummeted. Suddenly, there were fewer babies. International adoptions out of China peaked in 2005. In 2007, Beijing introduced eligibility restrictions on foreign adoptions, indicating there were fewer healthy infants available.

Xiaosong goes missing

That year, a couple from eastern China opened a clothing store in Huizhou, a crowded southern factory town. They sent their 11-year-old daughter and five-year-old son to buy milk at the neighbourhood shop. The girl stopped to play with a friend. When she looked up, her brother Xiaosong was gone.
“We stayed up all night making posters and plastering them around the neighbourhood,” says his mother, Xiong Shuifeng. They only attracted fraudsters. Within 10 days, Xiong and her husband Xiao Chaohua had paid out almost Rmb40,000 to callers claiming to know the boy’s whereabouts. 
We stayed up all night making posters and plastering them around the neighbourhood, but they only attracted fraudsters
- Xiong Shuifeng
“When someone says they have your child, your heart leaps,” she recalls. “You don’t think straight.”
Mr Xiao says that “pretty soon we realised there were lots of these cases”. Unable to get help from police in Guangdong he covered a van with photographs of missing children and drove to Beijing to petition the government to act against the trade. 
He got little satisfaction but he did find a sociologist named Yu Jianrong, who has turned kidnapping into a national issue by posting photos of missing children on his blog.
In the years since Xiaosong vanished, trafficking stories have shocked China. A father searching for his missing son liberated hundreds of teenagers enslaved at brick kilns. A mother discovered her 11-year-old daughter had been sold into prostitution and was working in a brothel run by police. Doctors tricked parents into giving up newborns, family planning officers seized undocumented children and some orphanages bought babies for placement overseas.
Cards showing the faces of missing children are handed out by desperate parents©FT montage
Parents like Mr Xiao formed a network of volunteers who fan across the country looking for kidnapped children. “In the cities where we’ve been, there’s a lot of publicity around this,” Ms Xiong says. “But in the countryside, they still don’t know to guard against it.”
The lost children strike a national chord. Decades of turmoil, migration and the one-child policy have fractured many Chinese families. The website, Baobeihuijia.com or “Baby Come Home”, carries 15,000 listings and co-ordinates 20,000 volunteers. Postings include parents looking for children they were forced to give up long ago, adoptees hoping to find biological parents, and even missing adults. It is a tapestry of grief and hope.
Police are under pressure to perform well in cracking cases, so they want to see a higher number of rescued children
- Pi Yijun
In the face of public outrage, China revised its criminal law last month to punish people who buy children. Earlier laws forbidding the abandonment, stealing or selling of children were only enforced in the past few years, as the one-child policy eased and kidnapping cases grew more prominent.
Activists hope China’s recent relaxation of the one-child policy will reduce kidnapping but they also fear it could reduce the number of babies available for adoption, thus creating an even stronger incentive to steal.

Public anger

In 2009 — as fears over kidnapping became a public obsession — police set up a national anti-trafficking task force and a DNA database to match parents with missing children. The task force concentrates on retrieving babies or toddlers passed through trafficking rings. “Police are under pressure to perform well in cracking cases, so it’s unavoidable that they want to see a higher number of rescued children,” Mr Pi says. “However, when people try to assess the abduction situation, they are reluctant to talk about it.” 
Reported trafficking cases and the number of children rescued have both climbed steeply since 2009. While the Baby Come Home site receives about 1,000 appeals for help a year — probably a good proxy for the number of kidnappings — official statistics for trafficked women and children have soared, from 6,513 in 2009 to 20,735 in 2013. Media reports say 13,000 women or children were rescued in 2014, and 24,000 in 2013. The police declined interview requests.
Advocates argue that criminalising the buying of children will stop kidnapping but the new law is surprisingly divisive. Buying or selling children through informal brokers is a long tradition in the countryside. Only a minority of trafficked children are kidnapped.
Southern Metropolis Daily, a Guangdong newspaper, analysed 380 trafficking cases tried in provincial courts over the past two years. About two-thirds of the children had been sold by their birth parents or close relations, due to poverty, to avoid fines or because the parents were unmarried.
Some kidnapped children have been returned to their birth parents after traffickers were arrested. Other purchased children — who were not kidnapped — have been torn from the only families they have ever known and deposited, unclaimed, in orphanages. 
Ms Xiong scoffs at the idea that parents might not realise they bought a stolen child, especially an older one like Xiaosong. “Adoptive parents might think it’s an extra child that’s been brokered. But no one would sell a boy!” 
Xiaosong would be 14 now. He might not look much like the wide-eyed boy plastered on his father’s van, wearing a sweater knitted by his mother. “I just want a glimpse of him, to know how he’s doing,” says Mr Xiao.
Mr Chen faces a similar agonising wait. As a teenager, he joined the flow of migrants out of China’s villages. He found work in Zhanjiang at a factory employing disabled workers. He also found love with Zeng Huarong. Their second son was born in October.
But having spent Rmb30,000 in his search for Zhaoyuan, Mr Chen worries that the arrival of his second son leaves him even fewer resources to find his first. “I’m happy, but I am also sad. One child is at home and the other missing. Sometimes I don’t know what to do.”
In the 11 months he has been gone, Zhaoyuan will have grown several inches; he may no longer understand his grandparents’ Leizhou dialect, or remember his own name. The odds on Mr Chen noticing him outside a pre-school are small, but the alternative is giving up altogether. 
“I believe I will find him, if I just keep looking,” he says. “I hope he remembers me, remembers that I am his father.”
Additional reporting by Luna Lin, Wan Li and Anna Hsieh
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To find out more about FT’s Seasonal Appeal partner, visit STOP THE TRAFFIK.

Thursday, December 3, 2015

UK launches first Syria air strikes - BBC News

UK launches first Syria air strikes

  • 2 minutes ago
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  • From the section UK
Media captionMichael Fallon: "I can confirm that four British tornados were in action attacking oil fields in eastern Syria"
RAF Tornado jets have carried out their first air strikes against so-called Islamic State in Syria, the Ministry of Defence has confirmed.
Four Tornados from RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus took part in the operation soon after MPs voted to approve bombing.
The strikes targeted the Omar oil fields in eastern Syria, which is under IS control, and were "successful", Defence Secretary Michael Fallon said.
He had personally approved the targets ahead of the Commons vote, he said. 
On Wednesday, MPs voted by 397 votes to 223 for UK military action against IS - also known as Daesh - in Syria after a 10-hour Commons debate.
Mr Fallon said the Ministry of Defence would be assessing the damage done by the bombing later, but the aim was to strike "a very real blow on the oil and revenue on which Daesh depends".

Wednesday, December 2, 2015

The deadly contest between Isis and al-Qaeda - Financial Times

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/297def12-9819-11e5-95c7-d47aa298f769.html#ixzz3tAiogLxp

December 2, 2015 11:27 am

The deadly contest between Isis and al-Qaeda

Scathing dismissal of its rival is one way Isis highlights status as the number one terrorist group
Isis fighters in Syria©AP
Isis fighters in Syria
D
abiq makes for chilling reading. Isis’ slick-looking magazine celebrates the killing of innocent people and offers sordid advice to jihadis. But reading Dabiq can also prove useful, giving rare insight into the warped mindset of the world’s chief terrorists. 
In the latest issue, number 12, I found an article devoted to al-Qaeda, the rival group that once dominated global terrorism. “Sahwa fever”, the article claims, is spreading through the ranks of al-Qaeda. 
The Sahwa movement comprised a group of Iraqi tribesmen that collaborated with the US a decade ago to root out the Iraqi branch of al-Qaeda. That branch took its revenge: it eventually became the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, better known as Isis. 
Such scathing dismissal of its rival is Isis’ way of highlighting its status as the world’s number one terrorist organisation and setting out its claim as the true heir to Osama bin Laden. The message to readers: al-Qaeda has lost its way. The future belongs to Isis.
Isis seems obsessed with al-Qaeda, from which it split in 2013 following disagreements over the goals of jihad in Syria. Since then Isis has distinguished itself from its parent through its savagery (there is no limit to the violence it is willing to inflict) and its move to create a caliphate in parts of Iraq and Syria. 
Whereas al-Qaeda’s killing machine operated in the name of jihad abroad, Isis at first looked within, calling on jihadis around the world to join in building its caliphate. Indeed, because Isis appeared to pose a greater threat to the Middle East than to the rest of the world, western reaction towards it was at first relatively muted. 
In the past few months Isis has changed tack. To maintain momentum in the face of intensifying military pressure, it has accelerated its attacks abroad. Within weeks it claimed responsibility for the bombing of a Russian airliner over the Sinai and the atrocities in Paris, for a bomb attack in Beirut and a bus explosion in Tunis. Its objectives and those of al-Qaeda are now in alignment. The impact is terrifying.
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Al-Qaeda’s response to Isis came days after the Paris attacks, with the storming of a luxury hotel in Bamako, the capital of Mali. Re-asserting itself in the jihadi world, al-Qaeda’s social media highlighted that, unlike Isis, it had spared Muslim hostages in the siege at the Radisson Blu hotel.

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Fortunately al-Qaeda is not what it was when bin Laden ordered the attacks of September 11 2001. But, while its core group is greatly diminished, its franchises have survived the global “war” on terrorism. 
“What has not really sunk in yet is that we now have two problems — Isis and al-Qaeda — as global terrorist networks that are competing but also growing,” says Hassan Hassan, co-author of Isis: Inside the Army of Terror. 
Rohan Gunaratna, an expert on terrorism, says one should think of al-Qaeda through its various theatres of operation. The franchises are still strong in the Maghreb and the Sahel, in the Horn of Africa and in Yemen, as well as in Afghanistan and Pakistan and in Southeast Asia. 
Isis, meanwhile, is more dominant in the Levant, Libya, west Africa and the Caucasus. “[Isis] is a child of al-Qaeda and al-Qaeda still has capacity to drive and produce clones,” says Mr Gunaratna.
Isis and al-Qaeda are not fighting over ideology. Their differences are partly over strategy and tactics. Mostly they are about leadership. Some experts predict that if one of the two leaders disappeared — either Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi of Isis or al-Qaeda’s Ayman al-Zawahiri — the groups could merge again. In the meantime, competition will be fierce.
“The terrorism picture today is very complicated for two reasons: first because of all the different players involved . . . and second because of the regional vacuum that exists after the Arab spring, which gives groups a territory to operate,” says Ali Soufan, a former FBI special agent who now heads the Soufan Group, a security firm. 
The picture could become more complicated still. As it defends its self-proclaimed state, Isis will grow more dangerous. Al-Qaeda, meanwhile, is entrenching itself and establishing local alliances that will make it harder to destroy. Both groups will be seeking to expand their power through terrorism.

Tuesday, December 1, 2015

The slow death of hope for America’s loyal friends in Iraq - Financial Times

  http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/19f0eece-9539-11e5-8389-7c9ccf83dceb.html#ixzz3t4u9o9LB
The phone calls in the past week were tearful. I spoke to two Iraqis, former colleagues who had risked their lives for Americans, to tell them I doubted they would ever be welcomed in my country. As France mourned murders by Islamist terrorists, and US politicians thousands of miles away spewed anti-refugee rhetoric, I realised my friends probably had no friends in Washington. 
For years after the 2003 invasion, Americans relied on Iraqis to navigate a country whose terrain we barely knew and whose sectarian loyalties it was vital to understand. 

Journalists could not have survived without them. Neither could the troops, aid workers or diplomats. The goodwill of those caught in the middle of these war zones — whether in Iraq or now perhaps in Syria — allowed us to stay safe and do our jobs.
The men I knew had been translators and drivers for the Chicago Tribune, then my employer. They reported through mortar attacks, even a car bomb. Then Sinan Adhem and Nadeem Majeed decided they wanted to live in the US. They applied 10 years ago for visas. As they waited, they became fathers, perfected their English and found better jobs. Sinan is now a security analyst for the UN. Nadeem works for Nissan Motors. Both live in Baghdad. 
Last year, both Sinan and Nadeem received emails from the US Citizenship and Immigration Services stating that they could not be trusted. No one disputed they had presented all the proper papers or that the visa applications were credible. Yet form letters dismissed Sinan, then Nadeem, with vague finality: “Denied as a matter of discretion for security-related reasons.” 
“Are the Americans calling me a terrorist?” Sinan sputtered over the phone. 
I calmed him down; it had to be a clerical error by USCIS and the Department of Homeland Security. I was sure I could sort it and I knew we had to work fast. Neighbouring Syria was falling apart; my friends could soon be vying with thousands of desperate refugees.
In the weeks that followed, though, I found few people in my government willing to help. No single bureaucrat wanted to accept responsibility. 
I sought help in congressional offices; filed Freedom of Information Act requests for explanations. I have called USCIS officials who, in the face of repeated emails, now ignore me. I am trying, still, to make the case: these men are why America said it was liberating Iraq. If Sinan and Nadeem are deemed suspicious — men who served the US cause — what chance do others have who are now seeking asylum? Indeed, Nadeem sacrificed more than most. His sister was murdered in a random shooting in 2006, a death that sparked his search for a visa.
Sinan sputtered: ‘Are they calling me a terrorist?’ I calmed him down. Surely it had to be a clerical error
I found an aid group, the Iraqi Refugee Assistance Project, which filed legal appeals for both men. One retired general I knew warned against false hope. “The Department of Homeland Security is a ‘black hole’,” he said. “It has become a hall of mirrors where there are no answers.”
Sinan and Nadeem last week ended up trying to comfort me when I called to offer my apologies. As former journalists they track US and European news websites, and perceived growing hysteria in the debate over refugees. “To be honest, I lost hope,” Nadeem said. “After this week — and what I saw in Washington — I can’t have hope.” 
Sinan, so often the peacemaker during turbulent times in Iraq, told me he does not feel especially alone in his despair; many people in Iraq feel abandoned. Before I called, he had been working on a security brief for the UN and he shared what he knew: 10 bodies, riddled with bullets, had been found dumped in various places around Baghdad.
Yes, he said, he wished for a better life. “But it is not your fault, my dear. Don’t be angry. I think the whole world has gone crazy.”
The writer is the FT’s investigations editor