Friday, December 9, 2016

David Cameron on Brexit, Donald Trump and why he does not regret calling a referendum - Telegraph

David Cameron on Brexit, Donald Trump and why he does not regret calling a referendum

Harriet Alexander, greencastle, indiana
9 DECEMBER 2016 • 6:58AM
David Cameron has used his first major speech since resigning in June to explain why he felt people voted for Brexit – and defend his decision to hold the referendum.

Mr Cameron, speaking at DePauw University in Indiana, also spoke of similarities between the Brexit vote and the election of Donald Trump – and he used his platform in the United States to urge Mr Trump to respect the “incredibly precious” American values of freedom, tolerance and outward-looking policies.

In a wide-ranging address – funded by former students Sharon and Timothy Ubben, who since 1986 have invited Tony Blair, Bill Clinton, Benazir Bhutto and Mikhail Gorbachev to speak - the former prime minister warned against being seduced by “so-called strongmen” leaders, such as Vladimir Putin.
And he said that he did not think other European countries would follow Britain’s lead and leave the EU – although he had deep fears for the future of the euro.

“It’s kind of you to have this ex prime minister here tonight,” he told the crowd inside the sports hall, 40 miles from Indianapolis.

“Because of course, the last time the British had a prime minister my age was about 202 years ago, and that ended up with the British invading North America and burning down the White House.”

The audience laughed, as he added: “Watching your politics recently, I wondered whether you might do it yourself.”

On the decision to hold the referendum

Mr Cameron insisted that he had no regrets in holding the referendum – despite acknowledging that it would be remembered, unfairly in his view, as his lasting legacy for the country.

The 50-year-old said told the students and alumni that he felt British politics was becoming “poisoned” by not having had a referendum on the EU for 40 years, despite the EU having changed significantly from when it was founded.

“I believed and I still believe that the fact we hadn’t had a referendum on this issue for 40 years – in spite of the fact that the European Union was changing and changing – was beginning to poison British politics,” he said.

“It was certainly poisoning politics in my own party. And I think, more importantly, people were feeling they had been promised a referendum - but people were beginning to get very frustrated about this issue.

“In the end, we had to decide.

“As we try and build the globalisation that works for all our countries and all our people – as we do that, we have to listen to what people want. And people do want a say on these issues.”


On why Britain voted to leave

Mr Cameron said that he say the Leave vote as being motivated for economic and cultural reasons.

“We have seen a vast increase in wealth and prosperity, and people in the poorest countries lifted out of poverty through globalisation. But let’s be clear: the rising tide has not lifted all boats. There are many people in our own countries who feel, rightly, economically left behind through globalisation,” he said.

“There is a second phenomena: a cultural phenomena.

“In some of our countries the pace of change has been too fast for people to keep up with. People are concerned that the country they are living in is not the country they were born into. And they see that change as happening too fast."

Describing himself as “pro globalisation, pro immigration, pro market economics” he said that leaders needed to understand the calls for change.

“The simple truth is this; if we don’t address the problem of those who are economically left behind, we open up our politics to the parties of the extreme left. And if we don’t address the concerns about the pace of cultural change, we open up our politics to the parties of the extreme right.”

However, he cited political analysts who had discovered that if people said they were concerned about the changing makeup of Britain, and the fact that it was “going in the wrong direction,” that was a stronger indicator of a Leave vote than if you asked them about their salary.

He said it was now the job for politicians to acknowledge those feelings, and work to resolve them.

“If they put their heads in the sand and say this will pass, and we will just carry on the way things are – then 2016 will be seen as a real watershed,” he said.

“But if, as I believe will happen, our democracies are flexible enough, and our leaders are aware enough, then they will course correct – as I put it.”

On whether other European nations will follow suit

Mr Cameron said he did not think other EU countries would leave the EU.

Marine Le Pen would be defeated in France, he predicted, and the elections in the Netherlands would not force their country out of the EU either.

He said Britain was uniquely uninspired by the EU – something he credited with Britain’s long history of being strong and independent.

“I think Britain particularly never loved the institutions of the EU,” he said.

“Even those of us who wanted to remain certainly felt no affection for the way the organisation worked. We knew needed to be there for trade and cooperation and working together, but the affection for the institutions – particularly as Britain has had such a successful history with our own independent institutions – simply was not there.”


On Brexit and Donald Trump

During the US election campaign, Mr Cameron, then prime minister, criticised some of Mr Trump’s rhetoric as being “divisive and wrong”.

But he acknowledged that his supporters and the Brexit voters shared similar concerns – about being left behind in an increasingly globalised world, and not feeling the benefits of economic successes.

“I think the similarities are: we are both successful economies. You have seen in the United States a growth, and a big fall in unemployment – just like you have in the United Kingdom.

“I think that economic concern, that somehow globalisation isn’t working for everybody, was at the heart of the Brexit decision and also a very big issue in your election.

“But I don’t think it is enough to explain the results.

“If you ask someone in Britain if the country is going in the wrong direction, or if Britain isn’t as great as it used to be, or uncertain about change in your community – that is a better indicator that you’d be a Brexit voter, rather than is your income at this level or that level.

“So I would say you need to understand this political phenomenon through both the issues – and that is the same in both situations.”

On the Special Relationship

Mr Cameron described himself as having a “very strong” relationship with President Barack Obama, noting how, in his opinion, they worked well as a team – despite being from different political sides.

“In any international gathering, or any subject that came up, even though I was a Conservative and Barack Obama was a Democrat, we basically had so much shared language and knowledge and approach about how we would tackle these problems, that we would communicate very quickly, see each other’s arguments very quickly, and see how to work together,” he said.

He expected, he said, Theresa May and Mr Trump to continue to have a fine working relationship.

But he stressed that the Special Relationship was about more than the individuals involved – that it was military, security, and intelligence links, and shared culture and values.

He said he did not expect the Special Relationship to change, with Mr Trump in the White House and Mrs May in Number 10.

On Donald Trump’s presidency

Mr Cameron did not provide any specific recommendations for Mr Trump. But his words could certainly be taken as meant for the incoming president.

He backed his calls for border enforcement, saying that having a defined policy on immigration is key – “we may not need a wall, but we do need borders that work and are seen to work. We need that in Europe, just as you need that in the United States,” he said.

The former Conservative leader urged against being bewitched by “so-called strongmen leaders, in places such as Russia” – insisting that the American values of democracy, freedom and tolerance were its greatest strength.

He also said that, to survive in turbulent times, the US must remember its principals and values, and not seek quick fixes.

“This is still the most successful country on earth,” he said. “You are at the cutting edge of all the industries of the future.

“You have an educated and trained workforce, and I am sure you will do even more to do that in the future.

“And this is the country that people aspire to. People want to be like the United Kingdom, or the US People want to live in our countries. They believe in our values, they believe we have the keys to unlock the progress they want to see.

“And you don’t need a former British prime minister to tell you this – but I would say: have confidence in the values that made this country so great and you won’t go far wrong in the future.”

On Syria

Mr Cameron said his worst moments as prime minister had been watching the videos of Jihadi John beheading American and British citizens – but one of his best moments was when the terrorist was “put a stop to.”

And he said that he believed the West had been too slow to respond to Syria, and drew parallels with Rwanda.

He insisted that President Bashar al-Assad remained part of the problem, but said that first Isil had to be defeated militarily, as Mr Trump has maintained.

The former prime minister said that the fundamental problem was having governments which did not represent their people – Sunni, Shia, Kurd or Alawites included.

“We need a government that is going to represent Sunni, Shia, or whatever else.

“They don’t have to be perfect democracies. We can’t be perfectionists. The road to democracy is a long one – and can be a messy and difficult one.

“The basic requirement is look after their people, and that is the same in Iraq and Syria and Yemen and elsewhere.”

On his life after politics


Mr Cameron joked, when asked how he was spending his time, that he was “available for weddings and Bar Mitzvahs.”

He also made the audience laugh when he told them that his son had remarked, as he was leaving for his flight: “Dad, why are you wearing a suit? It’s not like you have a job or anything.”

But he said that he was writing his book, speaking to audiences, and doing pro bono work for the National Citizen Service.

He sounded a somewhat wistful note, however, when asked about his departure from the frontlines of British public life.

“I am writing a book about my time in politics,” he said. “Rather sad to be doing it at the age of 50, but there we are.”

Thursday, December 8, 2016

Top Posts on TIME Business: Donald Trump’s Pledge to Withdraw U.S. From TPP Opens the Door for China - TIME

Top Posts on TIME Business: Donald Trump’s Pledge to Withdraw U.S. From TPP Opens the Door for China
Tue 22/11, 2:47 PM

The Oil Industry Is Urging Donald Trump to Approve the Dakota Access Pipeline - TIME Business

Posted: 06 Dec 2016 12:41 AM PST

(BISMARCK, N.D.) — Industry leaders are urging President-elect Donald Trump to make approval of the disputed Dakota Access oil pipeline a priority when he takes office next month, but a spokesman for Trump isn’t offering many clues about how the incoming president might act.
Meanwhile, the leader of the Standing Rock Sioux is calling on pipeline opponents to leave a camp in southern North Dakota where they’ve been protesting for months, as dangerous winter weather sets in. Many are vowing to stay, however.
Here’s a guide to the latest developments and key background about the protest:
The Trump factor

Two industry groups are calling on Trump to pave the way for the pipeline’s completion when he enters the White House in January. The requests come after the Army declined to issue a permit for the $3.8 billion pipeline to cross under a Missouri River reservoir in southern North Dakota near the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation.
The American Petroleum Institute represents the U.S. oil and natural gas industry, and the MAIN Coalition is made up of agriculture, business and labor entities that benefit from Midwest infrastructure projects.
Trump supports construction of the pipeline, spokesman Jason Miller told the Associated Press on Monday, but Miller wouldn’t say whether Trump would reverse the Army’s decision. Miller said the Trump administration will review the situation “and make the appropriate determination.”
Trump holds stock in Energy Transfer Partners. Pipeline opponents worry that Trump’s investments could affect any decision he makes on the project as president.
Easement denial
The Army on Sunday said it would not approve an easement for a pipeline crossing beneath Lake Oahe, a Missouri River reservoir and the source of drinking water for the nearby Standing Rock Reservation. The Standing Rock tribe says the pipeline threatens its water and cultural sites.
Assistant Army Secretary for Civil Works Jo-Ellen Darcy said her decision was based on the need to consider alternative routes.
Dallas-based pipeline developer Energy Transfer Partners said the decision is politically motivated and that President Barack Obama’s administration is just delaying the matter until he leaves office.
Protesters, who describe themselves as “water protectors,” say they have no plans to leave despite the Army’s decision and recent wintry storms. Standing Rock Chairman Dave Archambault said Monday that he doesn’t think there will be any developments for months and that people should go home.
The origins
Energy Transfer Partners got federal permits for the pipeline in July, about two years after it was announced. The pipeline is projected to move a half-million barrels of crude oil daily to an existing pipeline in Patoka, Illinois, for shipment to Midwest and Gulf Coast markets.
Supporters say the pipeline will have safeguards against leaks, and is a safer way to move oil than trucks and trains, especially after a handful of fiery — and sometimes deadly — derailments of trains carrying North Dakota crude.
The Standing Rock Sioux, whose reservation straddles the North Dakota-South Dakota border, have challenged the Army Corps of Engineers’ decision to grant permits at more than 200 water crossings. A federal judge in September denied the tribe’s request to block construction of the entire pipeline.
Missing link
The pipeline is largely complete except for the section under Lake Oahe, about a mile upstream of the reservation.
The tribe argues putting the pipeline there could affect drinking water for more than 8,000 tribal members and millions downstream. The Corps of Engineers granted Energy Transfer Partners the permits needed for the crossing in July, but the federal government decided in September that further analysis was warranted given the tribe’s concerns. Then came Sunday’s decision from the Army, which oversees the Corps.
The company responded by asking U.S. District Judge James Boasberg to declare that it has the right to lay pipe under Lake Oahe. The judge isn’t likely to issue a decision until January at the earliest.
Obama raised the possibility of rerouting the pipeline in early November, and Archambault has said that would be acceptable to the tribe provided the new route isn’t near the reservation and doesn’t cross the Missouri River. But Energy Transfer Partners CEO Kelcy Warren told The Associated Press that that the pipeline won’t be rerouted and the company has no alternative than to stick to its plan.

Wednesday, December 7, 2016

France's Marine Le Pen's flat form - Financial Times

MARCH 6, 2015 by: Anne-Sylvaine Chassany and Roula Khalaf in Paris
She calls for the collapse of the EU and talks about nationalising banks. She sees the US as a purveyor of dangerous policies and Russia as a more suitable friend. She wants to bring an end to immigration and believes the republic is under Islamist assault.
Radical as Marine Le Pen’s vision for France may be, the prospect of her National Front (FN) policies becoming reality is no longer pure fantasy.
“It’s the Front’s moment,” Ms Le Pen declares in an interview with the Financial Times.
Two months after the terrorist attacks on Charlie Hebdo, the French satirical magazine and a Jewish supermarket in Paris, the far-right party has cemented its standing as the most dynamic political force in a frightened and frustrated country; its 46-year-old leader now regarded as a possible winner of the presidency in 2017. Polls place the FN ahead of the centre-right UMP and ruling Socialist parties in the first round of this month’s local elections, with one giving it about 33 per cent of the vote.
The soaring popularity of a party that for decades seemed consigned to the fringes has raised alarm bells across the political spectrum. President François Hollande spoke this week of the need to “snatch” voters back from the FN, calling its rise, in an interview with Le Parisien, “a collective failure”.
Much of the credit for the FN’s political momentum goes to Ms Le Pen’s deliberate efforts to enlarge her base since taking over the party in 2011, but also to the malaise afflicting a France in which the economy has stagnated for the past three years while unemployment has risen above 10 per cent.
Ultimately, quitting the euro is the only solution, she says. “We are told it’s going to be catastrophic, that it will rain frogs, that the Seine will turn into a river of blood,” she says. “There aren’t that many practical problems.”
Marine Le Pen lays out radical vision to govern France
National Front leader is the biggest political force ahead of a presidential election in 2017

National Front leader Marine Le Pen has cemented her position as the biggest political force in France
MARCH 6, 2015 by: Anne-Sylvaine Chassany and Roula Khalaf in Paris
She calls for the collapse of the EU and talks about nationalising banks. She sees the US as a purveyor of dangerous policies and Russia as a more suitable friend. She wants to bring an end to immigration and believes the republic is under Islamist assault.
Radical as Marine Le Pen’s vision for France may be, the prospect of her National Front (FN) policies becoming reality is no longer pure fantasy.
“It’s the Front’s moment." Miss Le Pen declared in an interview with the Financial Times.
Two months after the terrorist attacks on Charlie Hebdo, the French satirical magazine and a Jewish supermarket in Paris, the far-right party has cemented its standing as the most dynamic political force in a frightened and frustrated country; its 46-year-old leader now regarded as a possible winner of the presidency in 2017. Polls place the FN ahead of the centre-right UMP and ruling Socialist parties in the first round of this month’s local elections, with one giving it about 33 per cent of the vote.
The soaring popularity of a party that for decades seemed consigned to the fringes has raised alarm bells across the political spectrum. President François Hollande spoke this week of the need to “snatch” voters back from the FN, calling its rise, in an interview with Le Parisien, “a collective failure”.
Much of the credit for the FN’s political momentum goes to Ms Le Pen’s deliberate efforts to enlarge her base since taking over the party in 2011, but also to the malaise afflicting a France in which the economy has stagnated for the past three years while unemployment has risen above 10 per cent.
Ultimately, quitting the euro is the only solution, she says. “We are told it’s going to be catastrophic, that it will rain frogs, that the Seine will turn into a river of blood,” she says. “There aren’t that many practical problems.”

To detoxify the FN’s brand, she has distanced herself from anti-semitic comments made by her father and party founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, who has described the gas chambers as “a detail” of the second world war. There are times, she says, when she and her father disagree. “But I am the president of the National Front and he’s the honorary president. I determine the . . . line.”
In a small office in a nondescript modern building in the Paris suburb of Nanterre, the fast-talking Ms Le Pen comes across as a single-minded politician, at ease with every subject while glossing over challenges or contradictions in her policies. “I’m not here to run a boutique. I’m here to reach power and to return it to the French people,” she says. “That’s my role.” Constantly in motion, and seemingly in a rush, she tends to sit on the edge of her seat, fiddles with her pen, combs her fingers through her blond hair or inhales on her electronic cigarette.


    * Much of the political class still considers the FN a xenophobic party that spreads the politics of fear and has sanitised its façade but not its substance. A new book, Marine Le Pen Prise Aux Mots (Marine Le Pen taken at her word), questions whether the updating of her vocabulary amounts to real change at the FN.
What is clear is that Ms Le Pen’s promise of simple solutions to seemingly intractable social and economic problems is striking a chord with a disenchanted public.

Le Pen, French farmers and the euro
Play video

She sneers when asked to judge the government’s plan to tackle homegrown jihadism, rattling off her own list of hardline measures, including a zero-tolerance policy towards attacks on French secularism, enforcement of French-speaking preachers in mosques and stripping dual-nationality jihadis who fight abroad of their French citizenship. Going further, Ms Le Pen also wants a radical overhaul of French foreign policy in which relations with the regime of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad would be restored and those with the likes of Qatar and Turkey, which she alleges support terrorism, reviewed.
She calls the US “the most discredited power in the [Middle East] region” and says it cannot be seen as a partner in the global struggle against jihadis. Instead, defeating the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, the group known as Isis, will only be achieved by involving Russia.

With her father, former FN president Jean-Marie Le Pen
On Ukraine, too, the French government has largely followed the wrong policies, she argues, blaming the EU for provoking the crisis and the US for encouraging a rupture with Moscow. “Rejecting Russia, as we are stupidly doing, it . . . is throwing Russia into the arms of China and we will have reason to kick ourselves for it,” she says.
That Moscow is looking to build ties with political parties in Europe, a source of anxiety in EU capitals, is perfectly legitimate, she insists, defending a €9m loan to her party by a Russian bank said to be close to president Vladimir Putin. Not one bank in France or across Europe was willing to lend to the FN, she says: “If tomorrow an American bank wants to buy the loan, I would immediately accept, if it is at a more favourable rate.”
To expand her base among the working class, this supposedly far-right politician has not hesitated to borrow themes from the left. She has, for example, championed public services and presented herself as the protector of workers and farmers in the face of “wild and anarchic globalisation”.

Leaving the euro would mean the end of the eurozone, she says, but it would allow France to boost exports with a weaker Franc. Because nearly all public debt would be converted into the Franc, the overall burden would remain unchanged, she insists. When asked about the risk that foreign investors, who hold about two-thirds of French sovereign debt, might refuse to roll over loans or demand higher interest rates, she replies: “Of course there are issues but the benefits are much greater.”
Ms Le Pen’s economic programme will face increasing scrutiny as the 2017 campaign draws closer. In the meantime, her focus is on building the FN’s local government expertise: for all its rapid growth, the party boasts only two MPs and 15 local mayors, a few of whom have already courted controversy.
Is the FN ready to rule? Ms Le Pen shrugs. It’s not experience that France needs, she says: “We need to get out of the system. We’re in a system that is a little rotten. We need a fresh pair of eyes.”
Marine Le Pen in her own words
On immigration and jihadism:

Anarchic mass immigration over the past 25 years has created places where the [French] Republic has retrenched at the benefit of religious laws imposed by a few . . . There’s a link between immigration and radicalisation.”
Anti-Muslim sentiment:

There is no Islamophobia in France. There aren’t any anti-Muslim acts — or no more than acts against women . . . or short people. But there is a rise in anti-Semitism.”
France leaving the euro:

We are told it is going to be catastrophic — that it will rain frogs, that the Seine will turn into a river of blood. It is the apocalypse, according to Barroso, Juncker and Co. There aren’t that many practical problems.”
Vladimir Putin:

Putin is most probably an authoritarian leader, but is it possible to govern Russia without being authoritarian? To reject Russia the way we do . . . is pushing Russia into the arms of China. And we will kick ourselves.”
Her father and party founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen:

“It is like the weather in Brittany: it’s sunny several times a day . . . it rains several times a day. He’s a character. We talk. We sometimes disagree.”
The National Front:

Globalisation has brought more pain than happiness . . . the pendulum is swinging back. It is the nations’ time. It is the Front’s moment.”
Germany:

I am not against Germany. I think Germany defends its interests. What I see is that France does not defend its interests.”
Her political inexperience:

The French need new people who break free from bad habits. We are in a system that is a little rotten. We need a fresh pair of eyes.”
What they say about her...
François Hollande, president of France:

It is a collective failure when an extreme-right party is the first party of France. It does not mean that those who vote for the FN are convinced by its theses. Because this temptation is anger in the face of crisis [and] an expression of rejection and fear.”
Manuel Valls, French prime minister:

“In France, the extreme right and Marine Le Pen are at the gates of power. And as a man of the left, I will never resign myself to it. Because the weakest would be the first to suffer. And it would be a major blow, fatal perhaps, against Europe.”
Timeline of the Front National
1972: National Front is created in a move to unify French far-right groups that challenged the independence of Algeria. Jean-Marie Le Pen becomes president.
1974: FN wins 0.7 per cent of votes in presidential elections.
1976: Mr Le Pen’s family apartment in Paris is dynamited. Marine, eight at the time, is present. The case is never solved.
1986: Thirty-five FN candidates are elected to parliament.
1988: Mr Le Pen secures 14.4 per cent of votes in the first round of presidential elections.
1998: Split in the FN after a power struggle led by Bruno Mégret
1999: FN attracts 5.7 per cent of votes in European elections.
2002: Mr Le Pen makes it to the second round of presidential elections with 16.86 per cent of votes before losing to Jacques Chirac.
2011: Marine Le Pen succeeds her father as FN president; Mr Le Pen becomes the party’s honorary chairman.
2014: FN wins 25 per cent of votes in European elections and makes big gains in local elections.

Why so many Koreans are fed up with their president- Economist

Why so many South Koreans are fed up with their president
SINCE the country’s democratic transition in the late 1980s, every former South Korean president has been ensnared by corruption scandals. But in their unpopularity none has plumbed the depths of Park Geun-hye: for the past fortnight her approval rating has stood at 4%, down from a high of over 63% in mid-2013, six months into her term. Her reliance on an erstwhile confidante and friend, Choi Soon-sil, who used her connections to obtain funds and favours, has been the president's undoing. Ms Choi has been indicted for coercing South Korea’s biggest business groups to funnel 80bn won ($70m) into two foundations that she controlled. Ms Park has become the first sitting president to be accused as a criminal accomplice. A parliamentary vote on a motion to impeach the president is set for December 9th. The scale of these allegations is the most evident explanation for the popular outrage over the scandal, which touches on sensitive themes in South Korea, including the fiddling of highly competitive university admissions (for Ms Choi's daughter); the power of cults; and the collusion of elites in business and government. But none of these are new to South Koreans. Yet a broad cross-section of South Korean society has poured out onto the streets in massive rallies. Four-fifths want to impeach the president. What makes this scandal different?
Part of the reason is that the allegations have fed into, and for some confirmed, longheld concerns about the influence of the Choi family over Ms Park. Ms Choi’s father, Choi Tae-min, a six-times-married shaman cult leader, befriended Ms Park after her mother died during a failed assassination attempt on her father, Park Chung-hee, a former dictator. In one of her three recent mealy-mouthed apologies, Ms Park specifically denied one rumour: that shamanistic rituals had been held at the Blue House, the presidential office. Local media have portrayed Ms Choi as a puppeteer controlling Ms Park, managing everything from her wardrobe choices to policy on North Korea. South Koreans have been taken aback by such incompetence. But to Ms Park’s critics it is all of a piece with her leadership style: imperial, aloof and out of touch with her people. Her press conferences have been scripted and rare. Despite enormous popular resentment, she has not explained her whereabouts during seven hours on the day that a South Korean ferry sank in 2014, when 300 drowned, many of them schoolchildren. Many had long worried that the “Queen of Elections”, as she was nicknamed in her early political years, had surrounded herself with courtiers: mainly yes-men who had advised her father.
If she was greeted by foreign observers as South Korea’s first female leader, many at home find parallels to the peninsula’s last (Queen Min of the late 19th century regularly sought the advice of shamans, two of which she employed in her court). For many, Ms Park’s political legitimacy was inherited from her parents; she took over official duties as first lady after her mother was shot. In 2012 a former aide, Jeon Yeo-ok, wrote in a memoir that to Ms Park “South Korea was her country, built by her father; the Blue House was her home; and the presidency was her family job”. And, in imperial tradition, Korean presidents have kept a lot of power: they appoint and fire ministers, including the prime minister. So when things go wrong, they tend to be blamed. The botched government response to the ferry accident in 2014 uncovered corruption in the coast guard and regulatory bodies; but it was Ms Park who was the primary target of people’s anger.
Her parentage has always sat uncomfortably with younger voters, many put off by the idea of a dictator's daughter governing democratic South Korea. But most striking has been the turning away of her longstanding fans and voter base: conservatives in their 50s and 60s, nostalgic for Park, who credit him with having made South Korea prosper. They feel she has betrayed them, as well as her father’s legacy. Some memorials to Park have been defaced recently, including a hall at his birthplace that was set on fire last week (indicating how closely the two are linked in popular minds). In a visitors’ book at the hall, one entry said that Ms Park had “tarnished her father’s reputation”. Her political opponents, including the mayor of Seoul and liberal MPs, have said that she is damaging the national pride by holding on to power. In presidential elections after Ms Park’s expected early departure, South Koreans will be looking for a candidate who might restore it.
Economist

Tuesday, December 6, 2016

Trump only craves for applause nothing else - Economist

The impresario-elect
Washington is becoming more comfortable with Donald Trump
THE elites of Washington are starting to feel better about Donald Trump. A sense of relief is creeping over them after the president-elect ditched several impossible campaign promises and named conventional conservatives, including a former Goldman Sachs banker, for some big jobs, offsetting the hard-right nationalists and populists given posts in his inner circle. For a moment they thought America might have elected a true demagogue, beholden to a pitchfork-wielding mob. They wondered if the businessman meant it when he roared “Drain the swamp in Washington!” at pre-election rallies, and vowed to ban lobbyists from his government. Now they think they see a cynic like so many others in politics, who ran as an outsider but will govern as an insider. He seems more manageable than they had feared.
Mr Trump is not an ideologue, the lobbying, business, diplomatic and political classes murmur approvingly. Just you wait, they predict, he will ditch his most crazily populist ideas, from starting a trade war with China to mass deportations, while allowing Republicans in Congress to cut taxes and slash business regulations. True, if he increases spending on infrastructure or defence then deficits might explode. But with luck the economy will boom, keeping Mr Trump’s fieriest supporters happy.
They draw comfort from the array of conservative bigwigs, pillars of Congress and retired generals he has summoned for job interviews. Take foreign policy. Candidate Trump alarmed grandees from both parties with his cooing praise for President Vladimir Putin of Russia. Their fears ebbed once his search for a secretary of state led him to interview figures with more orthodox views, including Mitt Romney, who as the Republican nominee in 2012 called Russia America’s “No. 1 geopolitical foe”, and a former general, David Petraeus, who in 2015 claimed Mr Putin wanted to “resurrect the Russian empire”. The Mr Trump of TV debates appalled conservatives by praising government-run universal health care in places like Scotland. President-elect Trump soothed Republicans by naming as his health secretary Representative Tom Price of Georgia, a surgeon-congressman who seems to view government-run medicine as something like gangrene. Pondering so many mixed signals, Trump apologists cross their fingers, squint a bit, and declare that they see a political pragmatist who may yet preside over a rather normal administration.
These folks are probably deluding themselves. All candidates worry about pleasing their supporters or building coalitions, even as they craft policies that reflect their core beliefs. But it is striking how often public acclaim is Mr Trump’s first and last concern. Explaining in an interview with the New York Times why it would be “nice” for America and Russia to fight Islamic State together, he imagined how, if his plan succeeded: “The people will stand up and give me a massive hand.” Over Thanksgiving weekend aides publicly questioned giving the State Department to Mr Romney—who had, after all, called Mr Trump a “fraud” during the election. The president-elect reportedly argued that Mr Romney “looks the part” of a world statesman—sounding more like a casting agent than a man assembling a government.
Those parsing Mr Trump’s “Drain the Swamp” slogan for clues to his opinions about government reform should have been with Lexington at a rally in Kinston, North Carolina, on October 26th. Freshly disembarked from his Boeing 757, Mr Trump had just begun a thunderous attack on Hillary Clinton’s health policies when he was distracted by a “Drain the Swamp” sign. “Look at that,” he marvelled. When his team had coined the phrase three days earlier he had disliked it, he confided. But then he used it and “the place went crazy.” Now, he beamed, “It’s the hottest, it’s like, trending all over the world…So we like that expression.”
Many note how Mr Trump was helped by reality television, which made him an icon of success. But his rise recalls an older American tradition: vaudeville shows. In their heyday, just over a century ago, chains of vaudeville theatres spanned the continent, with big impresarios claiming to entertain 5m patrons a year. Shows of a dozen or more acts would make audiences gasp, weep and laugh in rapid succession—speed was a vaudeville obsession, as it is with Mr Trump, who promises to bring change “so fast”. A history of the genre, “Vaudeville Wars” by Arthur Frank Wertheim, records how working men in cheap seats were wooed with turns like the “Two Skull-Crackers”, whose mock combat ended with an axe-blow to a performer’s head (beneath a cork- and steel-lined wig), or the “Diving Venus”, a beauty in a tight bathing-suit who plunged into a glass tank. Respectable matrons were lured with such “dignity acts” as opera singers from Europe. Theatre-managers were told to ignore their expert tastes when judging performers: what counted was audience reactions.
The skull-crackers
America has elected an impresario-president. Imagine him peering past theatre footlights through clouds of cigar smoke, checking that every row is full and each face rapt. There is no guarantee that will make him a pragmatist: indeed, perhaps because he has so few fixed beliefs (beyond protectionism), he has appointed ideologues to key positions, like a vaudeville boss crafting a playbill to sell every last seat. His team so far includes hardline nationalists alongside conservative technocrats like his chosen transport secretary, Elaine Chao, the wife of the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky. Nor are grassroots supporters forgotten. He has claimed credit for strong-arming Carrier, a maker of air-conditioners, into keeping 1,000 jobs in Indiana, rather than sending them to Mexico. He has fired off tweets proposing, in breach of the constitution, that those who burn American flags should lose citizenship. If Washington grandees are shocked, they misunderstand Mr Trump. He has a knack for sensation. Applause is his drug. Elites are naive to imagine that this will make him more manageable. It is his show now.

Economist

Monday, December 5, 2016

Trump is tweeter-in-chief and ignores the press - Financial Times

Tweeter-in-chief rewrites the media’s rule book
Trump continues to set the news agenda without the need to hold a press conference
DECEMBER 3, 2016 by: Barney Jopson in Washington and Anna Nicolaou in New York
Politicians should campaign in poetry and govern in prose, goes the adage. But Donald Trump has changed little in his shift from campaigner to president-in-waiting. He remains more polemic than poetic and is holding tight to his favourite tool for spreading bombast: Twitter.
This week, it was as if the tweeter-in-chief was back on the campaign trail, the master communicator with smartphone in hand, setting the news agenda for a frustrated press forced into soul-searching over how to cover him.
He used the messaging app to suggest that flag burners be thrown in jail; to moot scrapping the US-Cuba detente; to complain of fraud in an election he won; and to promote a gloating campaign-style rally where he mocked his vanquished
“It’s genius and it’s frightening. It’s communications without the advantage of the frontal lobe. There’s no inhibition,” says Richard Levick, chairman of Levick, a veteran Washington communications guru who has advised multiple governments.
“It’s the 21st century version of the sound bite presidency. He’s the tweetbite presidency. Twitter is by definition not the location where you would spend time to provide thoughtful analysis.”
Had he not nominated James “Mad Dog” Mattis as defence secretary or lured aspiring secretary of state Mitt Romney to a dinner of frog’s legs, one could have forgotten he would soon be president. He did not offer any new policy details as a reminder.
Reporters hungering for something substantive to cover were treated to a mix of teaser tweets — Mr Trump announced a news conference on December 15 about “leaving” his business interests — and pistol whipping.
The president-elect tweeted that CNN was adrift after its “total (100%) support of Hillary Clinton” and slammed the “nasty, dishonest press” at his Ohio rally, pointing a finger at the media pen and prompting jeers from the crowd. “Shall I go on with this a little longer? I love it,” he said.
It’s communications without the advantage of the frontal lobe. There’s no inhibition
Richard Levick, veteran Washington communications guru
Mr Trump has not spoken to reporters or held a press conference since his victory, making the media wait longer than any other president-elect since at least Jimmy Carter. Nor has he accepted the tradition of a “pool” of reporters travelling with him.
His condemnation of the media has succeeded in undermining trust in institutions fact-checking his false claims. On the campaign trail, he even mused openly about rolling back the freedom of the press.
Last week CNN’s Christiane Amanpour called on journalists to “accept that we’ve had our lunch handed to us by the very same social media that we’ve so slavishly been devoted to”. She said: “We face an existential crisis. A threat to the very relevance and usefulness of our profession.”
Susan Glasser, editor of the Politico news service during the 2016 campaign, said: “Trump as well as his Democratic adversaries have the same tools to create, produce, distribute, amplify, or distort news as the news industry itself — and are increasingly figuring out how to use them.
“The election of 2016 showed us that Americans are increasingly choosing to live in a cloud of like-minded spin, surrounded by the partisan political hackery and fake news,” she wrote on Friday.

Trump's phone call with Taiwan destroyed 37 years of US-China relations - Economist

Donald Trump’s phone call with Taiwan’s president spreads alarm

AT SOME point, almost all American administrations hit a crisis with China, usually early on. A mid-air collision involving an American spy plane in 2001 sent George W. Bush’s then-new White House into full crisis-management mode. Donald Trump faces his first China crisis before even taking office.
The trigger for the flap was a phone call on December 2nd between Mr Trump and Tsai Ing-wen, the elected president of Taiwan. She offered her congratulations, said Mr Trump, and the two talked about strengthening Taiwan’s defence and economy. It sounds routine.  But it overturned four decades of diplomatic practice. Neither American presidents nor presidents-elect have spoken officially to the leaders of Taiwan since 1979, when the United States broke off diplomatic ties with the island and switched to the People’s Republic. China holds Taiwan to be a renegade province and regards communications with Taiwanese leaders as interference in its internal affairs. As leaders who have talked with the Dalai Lama have discovered, foreign meetings with someone of whom China disapproves can infuriate the Chinese government.
Most American foreign-policy experts were also appalled at what looked like careless trampling over decades of finely tuned diplomacy (see article). In response, Mr Trump took to Twitter to declare that “The president of Taiwan CALLED ME today,” as if that made any difference (in this context, even using the word president offends China). It is almost impossible to imagine Ms Tsai telephoning America’s president-elect on her own initiative. Her spokesman, Alex Huang, said the call had been pre-arranged, though he would not say by whom.
By far the most likely candidate is one of Mr Trump’s team of advisers. Taiwan’s semi-official Central News Agency, quoting unnamed sources, said the contact man was Edwin Feulner, a former president of the Heritage Foundation, a think-tank in Washington. Others named Stephen Yates, a deputy national-security adviser under the Bush administration, and still others, John Bolton, Mr Bush’s ambassador to the UN, who has said America ought one day to restore full diplomatic recognition to Taiwan. All three are conservative anti-communists who want to tilt American policy further away from the government in Beijing. Mr Trump’s phone call seems to suggest their influence is strong at the moment.
The reaction in Taiwan was celebratory. “People from different political camps all agree that this has brought Taiwan back to the table,” said Hsu Yung-ming, a lawmaker with the New Power Party, which is aligned with Ms Tsai’s Democratic Progressive Party. The opposition Kuomintang, or Nationalist Party, offered grudging support. Many ordinary Taiwanese say the call gave Taiwan some of the international recognition it craved and deserved.
China reacted cautiously. Wang Yi, the foreign minister, lodged a formal diplomatic protest, said nothing would change the world’s recognition of China, and then turned to the congenial task of blaming Taiwan for everything (he described the call as a “petty trick”). His caution is understandable. Chinese leaders are used to hearing their country bashed on America’s campaign trail and have learned to be wary of political rhetoric. Mr Trump is only president-in-waiting, so the call could be construed as unofficial.
China reacted cautiously. Wang Yi, the foreign minister, lodged a formal diplomatic protest, said nothing would change the world’s recognition of China, and then turned to the congenial task of blaming Taiwan for everything (he described the call as a “petty trick”). His caution is understandable. Chinese leaders are used to hearing their country bashed on America’s campaign trail and have learned to be wary of political rhetoric. Mr Trump is only president-in-waiting, so the call could be construed as unofficial.
Anyway, it is not clear whether a policy shift is in the making, or how much of one. Mr Trump spent much of the campaign trampling on the norms of domestic political debate. It is possible he has decided to do the same thing with diplomatic niceties, too. In the words of Bonnie Glaser of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, another think-tank in Washington, “President-elect Trump is just shooting from the hip, trying to take phone calls of congratulatory messages from leaders around the world without consideration for the implications.”
Some newspapers in Taiwan and America offered a different explanation, suggesting Mr Trump’s family business was behind it all. The Trump empire has shown interest in buying a hotel development near Taipei’s international airport. Although the appearance of a conflict exists, it is a doubtful explanation. Taiwanese tourism is in precipitous decline. Its government is falling over backwards to attract foreign investors. And the development in question, the Taoyuan Aerotropolis Project, has been canvassing hotel chains all over the world for years. Mr Trump would not need to offer the Taiwanese government anything in return for buying hotel space.
But if one of his advisers really were responsible for setting up the phone call, then that would suggest that the call was neither brash nor corrupt, but substantive. How much so is another matter. It could be anything from a small upgrade in ties with Taiwan within the framework of existing American policy to a more thorough-going rethink. Either way, China has cause for circumspection. As Shi Yinhong of Renmin University in Beijing puts it, concern about Mr Trump is growing.