Sunday, January 19, 2014

Where (and why) the super-rich are investing in real estate - Financial Times

Where (and why) the super-rich are investing in real estate


http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/2/595c2656-791a-11e3-91ac-00144feabdc0.html?segid=0100320#axzz2qppzhQnl


January 17, 2014 2:40 pm

Where (and why) the super-rich are investing in real estate

By Laura Battle
Key factor in this trend is the extraordinary wealth creation in Asia in recent years
Land ownership is, perhaps, the most ancient expression of wealth. Throughout history it has provoked conflict and inspired grandeur, from civic monuments and sacred spaces to egotistical towers and pleasure palaces. Today the relationship between land – or property – and wealth is more complex and more commercial than ever before. Since the economic crisis of 2008, real estate has attracted many of the world’s super-rich who have sought a safe haven, and a means of diversifying assets, and a very visual symbol of power and sophistication.
In 2008, $146bn of global private wealth was invested in the large-deal (above $10m) real estate market and by 2012 this had increased by 111 per cent to $308bn. Meanwhile, corporate investment in the same sector rose by only 43 per cent to $594bn over the same period. These figures, detailed in a new report by Savills in partnership with Wealth-X, a Singapore-based consultancy, reveal the increasing importance of private investment in the world of property.
“It’s a case of push and pull factors,” says Yolande Barnes, director of residential research at Savills. “I just saw a list of the top dealers [relating to deals made in 2013, compiled by Real Capital Analytics] on the buy side and the sell side. You look at the sellers and you’ve got JPMorgan, Lehman receivers, Deutsche, all the big bank names . . . and on the buyer side, the new big names are private Chinese companies and US Reits [real estate investment trusts].”

Global real estate by the numbers

A key factor in this trend is the extraordinary wealth creation in Asia in recent years. According to Knight Frank, the number of high net worth individuals (HNWI, defined as those with net assets of at least $30m) increased by 35.6 per cent between 2007 and 2012, and they have demonstrated a keen interest in property.
The Savills report states that 28 per cent of wealth held by Asian ultra high net worth individuals (UHNWI, also defined as those with net assets of at least $30m) is in the real estate industry, compared with 8 per cent of wealth held by UHNW Europeans and 6 per cent of wealth held by UHNW North Americans. Consequently, a growing proportion of Asian wealth is now being channelled into direct property holdings and trophy homes.
The report divides Chinese overseas investors into three waves: the first, those buying homes in countries where they have business interests; the second, those buying for their offspring or to secure permanent residency; and a predicted third wave looking to buy property in an ever wider range of locations. It is certainly worth considering the huge potential for growth in the Chinese market, and Asian buyers more generally, but these expectations are based on an assumption that the spending power of Asian UHNWI will continue to increase, and that the tastes of these buyers will broaden as their wealth matures.
In recent years, Asian buyers have made an impact on cities around the world, with Hong Kong, Singapore, Mumbai and London among the top locations for residential investment.
Adam Challis, of Jones Lang LaSalle in London, says he is seeing high demand from Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, while interest from Hong Kong and China remains strong. “It’s fair to say that the demand is much bigger than this city, or any individual city in the world, can reasonably meet,” he says. “The anecdote I use is from [London mayor] Boris Johnson’s tour a few months ago when he launched London.cn [London’s official Chinese-language website]. We had one of our colleagues there as part of the trade mission and in her blog report she said that in the first 24 hours of the website going live there were 82m hits.”
Additional research by Savills into the buying habits of Asian UHNWI highlights the growth potential if they were to diversify their portfolios. Currently, 64 per cent of property owned by wealthy North Americans and Europeans is located in cities, 15 per cent in towns and suburbs and a combined 21 per cent in waterside, rural leisure and ski locations. Meanwhile, 95 per cent of property owned by wealthy Asians is located in cities, with just 2 per cent in towns and suburbs and a mere 4 per cent in waterside, rural leisure and ski locations. Savills suggests that if Asian buyers could be encouraged to acquire suburban and leisure properties in the same proportions as westerners it could create a market for about $804bn of residential real estate globally.
“All these things are heading in one direction, which is upwards, because it’s coming from a low base and the potential size of this market is enormous,” says Liam Bailey, head of Knight Frank residential research. “It may not be rapid growth, but it would be surprising if we didn’t see more Chinese owners of properties in rural France or rural Italy, or even outside the big cities in America.”
However, much of this expected growth is still tempered by cultural conventions. Newly wealthy in mainland China, for example, prioritise security and investment diversification, so will tend to buy second homes in established “global cities” before they look at holiday homes. And in a country where rural dwellings are still associated with poverty, and a taste for sunbathing and winter sports is yet to flourish, the demand for leisure locations or country houses (French vineyards aside) remains limited. That said, the country’s own leisure industry is beginning to develop, and over the coming years, rich Chinese buyers might look to invest closer to home.
“You’ve got the tip of the iceberg at Hainan Island,” says Barnes, referring to the Chinese resort island which was made a special economic zone in 1988 with the aim of increasing domestic and foreign investment. “I think it’s very interesting that the early adopters there have been retirees, or about to retire, and that may be the first area that Chinese leisure takes off.”
Throughout the past decade, China has asserted itself as Asia’s economic powerhouse and Chinese buyers have made the most of exchange rate advantages and the revaluing of European and US real estate. At the start of 2013 the Chinese economy slowed, and this appeared to impact the rate of wealth creation at the very top. A report by Wealth-X and UBS published in September last year notes that although the number of UHNWI in Asia rose from 42,895 to 44,505 in 2013, in China numbers fell from 11,245 to 10,675. Meanwhile, as old-world economies begin to show signs of recovery, the UHNW population has increased by 5,225 and 4,625 in the US and Europe respectively.
Then there are the wider economic factors to consider. Many believe the US Federal Reserve’s decision to begin tapering its monthly asset purchases from $85bn to $75bn will damage local property markets, as liquidity conditions tighten and interest rates begin an expected rise.
Even before the announcement was made last month, Knight Frank predicted that prices of top-end homes in Hong Kong would drop 5 to 10 per cent in 2014, with mass residential prices falling 10 to 15 per cent, as housing yields fell and the government continued its cooling measures.
“At the start of 2013, when 10-year bond yields were at 1.76 per cent, one could make the argument that to buy a luxury home and to get a rental yield of 2.3 per cent still seemed to make sense,” says Paul Louie, head of property equity research for the Asia ex-Japan region at Barclays Hong Kong. “But as you add tapering, resulting in the 10-year bond yield going up about 3 per cent, how do you justify buying a home which only yields 2.3 to 2.8 per cent and very little growth profile?” He does not believe that the downward spiral in Hong Kong will trigger major price falls in mainland China, but notes that it could prompt a correction of house prices in Singapore, a market that is closely aligned.
Others, however, are keen to point to the positives behind the tightening of monetary conditions. Yolande Barnes admits that it “spells the end of the top-end bonanza”, but she points to the improvement in the US and UK economies and, in turn, rising incomes in more mainstream markets.
“In 2013 we started to see this in London, where the ultra-prime market is still growing but at a slower rate than some other prime markets,” says Barnes. “That’s a very strong indication that it’s beginning to be London-generated wealth rather than overseas-generated wealth, or high-end-generated wealth, that is feeding the market and I think that’s going to be a pretty powerful force and factor in 2014.”
Should this be taken to mean a more even distribution of wealth over the coming years, a slight sapping of power from the super-rich, it is perhaps necessary to end with this sobering thought: Wealth-X predicts that in 2020 the world’s population of UHNWI will exceed 260,000. Their combined wealth? More than $40tn.
Laura Battle is deputy editor of House & Home

Saturday, January 18, 2014

Apple’s iPhone Finally Hits China - TIME

Apple’s iPhone Finally Hits China

http://business.time.com/2014/01/17/apples-iphone-finally-hits-china/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+timeblogs%2Fcurious_capitalist+%28TIME%3A+Business%29

Anticipated iPhone sales in China began Friday
CHINA-BEIJING-MOBIL-TIM COOK-4GaApple's CEO Tim Cook and China Mobile Chairman Xi Guohua attend the issue of iPhone models for 4G in Beijing, capital of China, Jan. 17, 2014.
Qi Heng / Xinhua Press / Corbis
Apple's CEO Tim Cook and China Mobile Chairman Xi Guohua attend the issue of iPhone models for 4G in Beijing, capital of China, Jan. 17, 2014.
The iPhone has come to China.
Apple’s phone kicked off its much-anticipated sales in the country Friday, following a recent deal the company struck with the China Mobile phone network. The deal to sell the iPhone, one million of which have already been pre-ordered in the country, is a “watershed moment,” CNN reports CEO Tim Cook saying at an Apple store in Beijing.
Analysts estimate Apple can sell up to 24 million iPhones in China this year alone, CNN reports.
“We see this as bringing the world’s best smartphone to the very largest and now the fastest network in China,” Cook told CNBC on Wednesday during his trip to Beijing.
Despite Cook’s appearance at the Apple store, the New York Times reports only a dozen costumers purchased iPhones at that location. Apple faces a steep challenge in competing with cheaper smartphones in China.
[CNN]


Read more: Apple iPhone Goes to China | TIME.com http://business.time.com/2014/01/17/apples-iphone-finally-hits-china/#ixzz2qoijnXlP

Canada Has Its Own Housing Bubble—And It’s About to Burst | - TIME

Canada Has Its Own Housing Bubble—And It’s About to Burst

Read more: Canada Has Its Own Housing Bubble—And It’s About to Burst | TIME.com http://business.time.com/2014/01/17/canada-has-its-own-housing-bubble-and-its-about-to-burst/#ixzz2qogs91Wv



360_cc_housing_0621
Photo-Illustration by Alexander Ho for TIME; Getty Images
Ever since the real estate bubble burst in the United States in 2007, observers have pointed to Canada as an example of a well-regulated financial system that has avoided many of the regulatory mistakes that helped lead to an American crash. But Canadians weren’t able to perch on their high horse for very long, as a bubble of their own has been inflating for the past couple years. And nowmany analysts are watching for that bubble to burst, and soon.
What has so many observers worried? A few things:
canadian debt
The above chart by Matt Barnes of the research firm BCA illustrates Canada’s debt problem. These huge debt loads could be a pose a serious threat if unemployment continues to rise due to a sharp pullback in the construction spending, or if interest rates begin to rise. Here’s Amna Asaf an economist with the macro research firm Capital Economics:
“Even a modest uptick in mortgage rates will translate into much higher homeownership costs, easily outpacing any expected increase in household incomes. This will price out some prospective home buyers, reinforcing the drop back in existing home sales that is already under way.”
This is the same dynamic that eventually sunk the U.S. economy and triggered a global financial crisis. Canada’s saving grace, however, may end up being its strict housing regulations–which encourage high down payments and government-backed insurance.
While the presence of government insurance means that Canada is unlikely to suffer a financial crisis similar to what we had in the U.S., it doens’t mean Canada will avoid any pain associated with a real estate bubble bursting. It just means the government will end up having to foot the bill. And if a housing bust leads to an uptick in unemployment plus the need for the government to cut back spending in other areas, we could be looking at a serious rough patch for the Canadian economy.


Read more: Canada Has Its Own Housing Bubble—And It’s About to Burst | TIME.com http://business.time.com/2014/01/17/canada-has-its-own-housing-bubble-and-its-about-to-burst/#ixzz2qohPjDCB

Friday, January 17, 2014

The science behind why we take selfies - BBC NEWS

The science behind why we take selfies

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/blogs-magazine-monitor-25763704

The science behind why we take selfies

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The selfie has arguably become the greatest photographic trend of our time. Why are we so interested in taking and sharing selfies and how does observing an image of yourself differ from observing a picture of someone else, asks University College London neuroscientist James Kilner.
In everyday social situations we spend a lot of our time looking at and interpreting other people's faces and facial expressions. Indeed, reading and responding correctly to other people's facial expressions is essential for successful social interactions.
Through our lifetimes we become experts at recognising and interpreting other people's faces and facial expressions. In contrast, we have very little experience of looking at our own faces.
Our perception of our own facial expression comes from our sense of feeling our faces move. This lack of visual knowledge about our own faces means we have a very inaccurate representation of what our own faces look like at any given time. For example, it has been demonstrated that when people are shown an image of themselves and asked to match it they are unable to accurately produce the same facial expression without being able to see themselves.

How to take the perfect selfie

"Having your arm reached out in shot is only going to be so flattering," says photographer Mindy Stricke. She advises experimenting with a mini tripod for your smartphone, or downloading a free self-timer app.
This lack of knowledge about what we look like has a profound effect on what we think we look like. When people are asked to pick a photograph which they think looks most like them - from a series of photographs in which an actual photograph has been digitally altered to produce more attractive and less attractive versions - people are very bad at selecting the original photograph.
Given that we have a poor representation of what we look like, this is perhaps unsurprising. What is surprising is that people systematically choose images that have been digitally altered to make the person appear more attractive.
In other words, we have an image of ourselves that tends to be younger and more attractive than we actually are.
This might in part explain our obsession with selfies. For the first time we are able to take and retake pictures of ourselves until we can produce an image that come closer to matching our perception of what we think we look like.
James Kilner spoke at a National Portrait Gallery panel discussion The Curated Ego: What Makes a Good Selfie?

Wake Up America, the Chinese (Investors) Are Coming! - TIME

Wake Up America, the Chinese (Investors) Are Coming!

Read more: China Targets Overseas Investment | TIME.com http://business.time.com/2014/01/16/wake-up-america-the-chinese-investors-are-coming/#ixzz2qf2MhZ6H


Wake Up America, the Chinese (Investors) Are Coming!

But there’s no reason to be afraid
chinese_investors_0116
China Daily / Reuters
A truck loaded with containers is seen at a port in Lianyungang, Jiangsu province, China, Jan. 10, 2014
A quarter century ago, Americans were rattled by a surge of money coming from an Asian upstart, Japan. It seemed that Japanese firms were everywhere, buying everything, from cherished landmarks like Rockefeller Center to prized corporate assets such as Columbia Pictures. Was anything safe or sacred before an avalanche of Japanese cash?
Today, the U.S. is potentially facing yet another onslaught from Asia, this time from another economic rival, China. Just like Japan in the 1980s, China today is translating its expanding wealth into global economic clout. China last year overtook the U.S. as the world’s biggest trading nation. And increasingly, like the Japanese, Chinese firms are morphing themselves form manufacturers and exporters into major global investors. According to data from the American Enterprise Institute and Heritage Foundation, Chinese outward investment reached $85 billion in 2013, a dramatic increase from a mere $10 billion in 2005. The U.S. has been the No.1 destination, luring more than $14 billion of investment last year alone.
That trend is likely to continue. The Chinese government is becoming more and more supportive of Chinese overseas investment. One goal of a renewed effort to reform the economy, launched by newly installed President Xi Jinping last year, is to liberalize financial flows and encourage Chinese companies to invest more outside of China. Deals done by Chinese firms are steadily rising in profile and size. Last year, China’s Shuanghui agreed to purchase American pork giant Smithfield Foods for $4.7 billion, the biggest Chinese acquisition of a U.S. company yet. Right now, Chinese automaker Dongfeng is currently looking to grab a significant stake in struggling French carmaker Peugeot.
Not all Chinese money has been so welcome, however. Much like Japanese investment decades ago, Chinese incursions are sparking jitters. Concerns about cybersecurity in Washington have stymied attempts by mysterious Chinese telecom equipment maker Huawei to buy U.S. assets. Another worry is that investment from highly subsidized Chinese state-owned enterprises will expand the influence of China’s government or skew market competition. According to the AEI-Heritage data, SOEs account for 68% of all investment in the U.S. (Outside of the US, their share is much larger, at roughly 94%.) Even the innocuous-sounding Smithfield deal faced criticism in Congress, with lawmakers questioning if Chinese ownership could damage American economic interests or taint the food supply.
Perhaps certain Chinese deals should be examined with a discerning eye, especially on national security grounds. But overall, greater Chinese investment could boost growth and jobs in the U.S. and around the world. Once-feared Japanese investment has become a major source of employment in the U.S. According to the Japan Automobile Manufacturers Association, Japan’s carmakers and their dealer networks employ more than 400,000 people in the U.S. That’s why investment from Japan no longer upsets anyone in America. Japan’s Suntory announced on Monday it will buy U.S. bourbon distiller Beam in a $16 billion deal. Soon Chinese investors will probably seem every bit as ordinary.


Read more: China Targets Overseas Investment | TIME.com http://business.time.com/2014/01/16/wake-up-america-the-chinese-investors-are-coming/#ixzz2qf2eMlgv

Thursday, January 16, 2014

‘Fragile Five’ falls short as tapering leaves more exposed - Financial Times



http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/a245c70e-7e0c-11e3-95dd-00144feabdc0.html?siteedition=intl#axzz2qbcwnb3C


January 15, 2014 8:39 pm

‘Fragile Five’ falls short as tapering leaves more exposed

By James Kynge
Fallout from loss of easy money leaves more emerging markets exposed
Forget the “Fragile Five”, the newly minted alliterative grouping of emerging markets at risk. The list of countries exposed as central banks tighten monetary policy is longer than the moniker suggests.
The big worry for investors, as highlighted by the World Bank on Wednesday, is of a repeat of last year’s turmoil in emerging markets after Ben Bernanke, the chairman of the Federal Reserve hinted in May at plans to taper the Fed’s monthly asset purchases. If the adjustment to tapering proves “disorderly”, financial flows to developing countries could decline by as much as 80 per cent for several months, the World Bank warned.

Vulnerable emerging markets

Forex reserves compared
When judged by their perceived ability to repay short-term foreign borrowings the countries particularly exposed to the fallout of tapering are South Africa, Turkey, Brazil, India, Indonesia, Hungary, Chile and Poland, data processed by Schroders and the Financial Times show.
This expands on the “Fragile Five” grouping, a commonplace coinage of the last six months, which incorporates the first five and broadly links vulnerability to current account and fiscal deficits. The expanded list is derived more from fears over short-term debt.
Craig Botham, emerging markets economist at Schroders, says the catchy labels risk blinding investors to broader risks. Market focus is shifting to those countries most reliant on outside finance, particularly those with high short-term refinancing requirements, he said.
“This focus is underpinned by the fear of a ‘sudden stop’, where capital flows halt or even reverse. If this happens, the impact on indebted corporates can be devastating, with knock on effects for banks.”
One metric increasingly adopted to assess emerging market vulnerability compares the size of a country’s foreign exchange reserves to the sum of its short-term external debt and its current account deficit, called the gross external financing requirement (GEFR).
This shows that in the second half of last year, Turkey, South Africa, Chile, India and Indonesia had sufficient reserves to cover around just one year of their respective GEFRs, according to the Schroders’ research. Hungary, Brazil and Poland are less exposed, with reserves to cover around two years of GEFR.
In addition to the eight countries that are vulnerable to tapering, Ukraine, Venezuela and Argentina – which rating agencies rank among the least creditworthy nations – are also seen as exposed. But their weaknesses stem primarily from domestic economic and political uncertainty rather than the effects of tapering.
In its report, the World Bank identified its most likely scenario as a smooth adjustment for emerging markets to tapering that would lead to only a modest reduction in capital inflows. However, it sees long-term interest rates in the world’s largest economies rising by as much as 200 basis points.
The crux for many emerging market borrowers – both sovereign and corporate – is that sharp recent depreciations in their national currencies have inflated the local currency values of their hard currency debt, straining repayment capacities. In some cases, the trend of currency softness has yet to run its course, with the South African rand falling to a five-year low of R10.85 to the US dollar on Tuesday.

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Obama’s Path From Critic to Overseer of Spying - New York Times

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/16/us/obamas-path-from-critic-to-defender-of-spying.html?nl=us&emc=edit_cn_20140116&_r=0

By PETER BAKERJAN. 15, 2014




    Christopher Gregory for The New York Times

    Obama on Surveillance Through the Years


    Throughout his political career, President Obama has expressed a range of views on balancing national security needs with personal rights and freedoms.
    WASHINGTON — As a young lawmaker defining himself as a presidential candidate,Barack Obama visited a center for scholars in August 2007 to give a speech on terrorism. He described a surveillance state run amok and vowed to rein it in. “That means no more illegal wiretapping of American citizens,” he declared. “No more national security letters to spy on citizens who are not suspected of a crime.”
    More than six years later, the onetime constitutional lawyer is now the commander in chief presiding over a surveillance state that some of his own advisers think has once again gotten out of control. On Friday, he will give another speech, this time at the Justice Department defending government spying even as he adjusts it to address a wave of public concern over civil liberties.
    The journey between those two speeches reflects the transition from the backbench of the United States Senate to the chair behind the Resolute Desk in the Oval Office. Like other presidents before him, the idealistic candidate skeptical of government power found that the tricky trade-offs of national security issues look different to the person charged with using that power to ensure public safety.

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    In ’07, then-Senator Obama spoke disapprovingly at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars about spying. Stephen Crowley/The New York Times
    Aides said that even as a senator, Mr. Obama supported robust surveillance as long as it was legal and appropriate, and that as president he still shares the concerns about overreach he expressed years ago. But they said his views have been shaped to a striking degree by the reality of waking up every day in the White House responsible for heading off the myriad threats he finds in his daily intelligence briefings.
    “When you get the package every morning, it puts steel in your spine,” said David Plouffe, the president’s longtime adviser. “There are people out there every day who are plotting. The notion that we would put down a tool that would protect people here in America is hard to fathom.”
    At the same time, aides said Mr. Obama was surprised to learn after leaks by Edward J. Snowden, the former National Security Agency contractor, just how far the surveillance had gone. “Things seem to have grown at the N.S.A.,” Mr. Plouffe said, citing specifically the tapping of foreign leaders’ telephones. “I think it was disturbing to most people, and I think he found it disturbing.”
    Yet it is hard to express indignation at actions of the government after five years of running it, and some involved in surveillance note that it was Mr. Obama who pushed national security agencies to be aggressive in hunting terrorists. “For some, his outrage does ring a little bit hollow,” said a former counterterrorism official.
    All of which leads to worries by critics of government surveillance that he will not go far enough on Friday. “If the speech is anything like what is being reported, the president will go down in history for having retained and defended George W. Bush’s surveillance programs rather than reformed them,” said Anthony D. Romero, executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union.
    Mr. Obama first confronted the questions of national security and privacy during his 2004 campaign for Senate, taking aim at the Patriot Act for “violating our fundamental notions of privacy” and declaring that “we don’t like federal agents poking around our libraries.”
    Once elected, Mr. Obama took an interest in curbing surveillance. “He would ask me about various issues that relate to the topic of the day — how do you come up with policies that make sure that security and liberty are not mutually exclusive?” recalled Senator Ron Wyden, Democrat of Oregon and a leading critic of surveillance policies then and now.
    Mr. Obama was a sponsor of a bill in 2005 to raise the standard required for federal agents using administrative subpoenas known as national security letters to obtain business records without court order. He joined other Democrats fighting the renewal of the Patriot Act until it was amended to address civil liberties concerns, then voted for its extension in 2006 after a compromise, breaking with Mr. Wyden who voted no.
    Mr. Obama’s 2007 speech at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars came after the revelation that President George W. Bush had authorized warrantless surveillance in terrorism cases without permission from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court. A presidential candidate, Mr. Obama criticized Mr. Bush’s “false choice between the liberties we cherish and the security we provide.”
    But as a former Obama aide put it recently, “The rhetoric was probably sharper than his votes.” By summer 2008, with the Democratic nomination secured and the White House now a real possibility, Mr. Obama voted for legislation essentially ratifying Mr. Bush’s surveillance programs. Mr. Obama realized he would “take my lumps” from the left and said it “was not an easy call for me,” but he argued that putting the programs under the jurisdiction of the intelligence court restored accountability.
    As a result, after he won the election, surveillance issues were off his agenda; instead, he focused on banning interrogation techniques he deemed torture and trying, futilely, to close the prison at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. “There wasn’t really any serious discussion of what N.S.A. was up to,” said a former intelligence official, who like others did not want to be named describing internal conversations.

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    President Obama, in Raleigh, N.C., on Wednesday, will speak on Friday at the Justice Department on government spying. Stephen Crowley/The New York Times
    Mr. Obama was told before his inauguration of a supposed plot by Somali extremists to attack the ceremony, what David Axelrod, his adviser, called a “welcome-to-the-N.B.A. moment before the first game.” Although the report proved unfounded, it reinforced to Mr. Obama the need to detect threats before they materialized. “The whole Somali threat injected their team into the realities of national security in a tangible and complicated way,” recalled Juan C. Zarate, the departing counterterrorism adviser to Mr. Bush who worked with the Obama team on the threat.
    So while instituting additional procedural changes, Mr. Obama undertook no major overhaul of the surveillance programs he inherited. “He’s sitting on the other end of the pen now,” said the former Obama aide. “He has more information than he did then. And he trusts himself to use these powers more than he did the Bush administration.”
    Just weeks after the inauguration, Judge Reggie B. Walton issued a secret ruling reprimanding the N.S.A. for violating its own procedures. But when Mr. Obama was briefed, the case did not stir consternation. The president’s team instructed the Justice Department to fix the problem, but “this was not a central concern and he was very quick in knowing how to deal with it,” said a former administration official.

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    The calculus had shifted enough that Mr. Obama began presiding over a record number of leak prosecutions. When civil liberties advocates visited to press him to do more to reverse Mr. Bush’s policies, Mr. Obama pushed back. “He reminded me that he had a different role to play, that he was commander in chief and that he needed to protect the American people,” recalled Mr. Romero of the A.C.L.U.
    That was brought home even more starkly at Christmas in 2009 when a Nigerian man tried to detonate explosives in his underwear aboard an airliner. At a meeting at the White House afterward, an agitated Mr. Obama “was extremely firm” with intelligence officials, saying that he “expected us to do better,” recalled one who was in the room.
    “We hadn’t had a major attack in a number of years and the fact that this guy came as close as he did — basically the detonator didn’t work — and the fact that we hadn’t detected it in advance really came as a shock to them,” said John E. McLaughlin, a former deputy C.I.A. director who participated in a review of the incident for the administration.
    Feeling little pressure to curb the security agencies, Mr. Obama largely left them alone until Mr. Snowden began disclosing secret programs last year. Mr. Obama was angry at the revelations, privately excoriating Mr. Snowden as a self-important narcissist who had not thought through the consequences of his actions.
    He was surprised at the uproar that ensued, advisers said, particularly that so many Americans did not trust him, much less trust the oversight provided by the intelligence court and Congress. As more secrets spilled out, though, aides said even Mr. Obama was chagrined. They said he was exercised to learn that the mobile phone of Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany was being tapped.
    Mr. Obama appointed a panel to review the programs. “The point we made to him was, ‘We’re not really concerned about you, Barack, but God forbid some other guy’s in the office five years from now and there’s another 9/11,’ ” said Richard A. Clarke, a former White House counterterrorism adviser who served on the panel. He had to “lay down some roadblocks in addition to what we have now so that once you’re gone it’ll be harder” to abuse spying abilities.
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    On the other hand, Mr. Obama was acutely aware of the risks of being seen as handcuffing the security agencies. “Whatever reforms he makes, you can be sure if there’s another incident — and the odds are there will be in our history — there’ll be someone on CNN within seconds saying if the president hadn’t hamstrung the intelligence community, this wouldn’t have happened,” Mr. Axelrod said.
    Benjamin J. Rhodes, a deputy national security adviser working on Friday’s speech, said Mr. Obama saw the issue as two separate questions — abuse of government power and extent of government power. With the 2008 legislation setting a new structure, the president had focused on avoiding abuse until the latest revelations. “At this point, we’re looking more systematically at these programs to ensure that we’re taking into account both technological advances and also the need to inspire greater public confidence,” Mr. Rhodes said. “We have an ability to do essentially anything technologically. So do we have the appropriate legal and policy overlay to ensure that’s focused?”
    That will be the question Mr. Obama tries to answer in the speech.
    Correction: January 15, 2014 
    An earlier version of this article misstated the month in 2007 that Mr. Obama made the speech at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. It was in August, not October.



    On Spying, Obama’s Woes Echo Those of Past Presidents

    http://www.nytimes.com/2014/01/17/us/politics/on-spying-obamas-woes-echo-those-of-past-presidents.html?nl=us&emc=edit_cn_20140116

    By JOHN HARWOODJAN. 16, 2014
    WASHINGTON — In his first Inaugural Address, President Obama stirred liberals by proclaiming that “we reject as false the choice between our safety and ideals.”
    Five years in, the presidency has taught Mr. Obama that the choice he rejected is not so false after all. Ever since the disclosures about the extent of National Security Agency surveillance, leading to the changes that Mr. Obama plans to announce in a speech on Friday, a chastened president has embraced “balance” between competing imperatives of security and civil liberties.
    History shows that is what the Oval Office does to everyone who occupies it. The grinding reality of governing the country nearly always gives the lie to the facile, I-can-square-the-circle formulations that winning candidates carry with them into the White House.

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    Those formulations typically stem from candidates’ attempts to please all sides in contentious debates by acknowledging the concerns of opponents without surrendering their own principles. But it is rarely that easy.
    A tour through recent history shows Mr. Obama with plenty of company.
    When John F. Kennedy was campaigning for the White House and trying to counter concerns about his youth and inexperience as compared to his opponent, Richard M. Nixon, the two-term vice president, he ran as a fierce Cold Warrior who would close a “missile gap” with the Soviet Union. Once elected, he vowed in his Inaugural Address to “pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe” in the nation’s defense.
    Within three months, Kennedy had begun to distance himself from the idea that the missile gap even existed. (Intelligence showed that the United States was much better armed.) And he had, to his own and the nation’s embarrassment, withdrawn air cover for American-trained Cuban exiles seeking to overthrow Fidel Castro at the Bay of Pigs.
    Four years later, President Lyndon B. Johnson tried to calm turbulence beneath the surface of postwar America while pursuing an ambitious civil rights, health care and antipoverty agenda. “The day and the time are here to achieve progress without strife, to achieve change without hatred, not without difference of opinion but without the deep and abiding divisions which scar the union for generations,” he said.
    Johnson achieved much of the progress and change he sought, but with steadily escalating strife and divisions that persist today in America’s polarized political system.
    In 1968, Nixon won as a candidate hard-nosed enough to calm riotous streets. But while promising “decent order” in his first inaugural address, he also sought to blunt his reputation as “Tricky Dick” by citing “the better angels our nature” — words from Abraham Lincoln’s first Inaugural Address — as an answer to the nation’s “crisis of the spirit.”
    Five years later, Nixon resigned in disgrace over the Watergate scandal.
    President Ronald Reagan insisted that he could cut taxes and the deficit at the same time, but he accomplished the former as deficits ballooned. His successor, President George Bush, pledged to curb the deficit while preserving Mr. Reagan’s tax cuts, but he ended up abandoning his no-new-taxes pledge to achieve a budget deal with congressional Democrats.
    President Bill Clinton vowed to “invest more in our own people” while also cutting “our massive debt.” He left office with a budget surplus for the first time in a generation, but Congress made him set aside many of the investments.
    As a self-described “compassionate conservative,” President George W. Bush advocated tax cuts while at the same time describing antipoverty work as a biblical imperative. “When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho,” Mr. Bush told his first inaugural audience, “we will not pass to the other side.”
    Mr. Bush proved far more successful on tax cutting than poverty fighting, and the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, soon transformed Mr. Bush’s agenda into that of a wartime president.
    The controversies accompanying Mr. Bush’s emphasis on security — the Iraq war, the detainees held at Guantánamo Bay, the Abu Ghraib prison scandal and the National Security Agency’s surveillance — ignited strong Democratic opposition. But while Mr. Obama capitalized on the backlash against Mr. Bush’s security policies when he ran in the 2008 election, Mr. Obama also needed to assure Americans he could keep them safe.
    In practice, Mr. Obama has continued and in some cases expanded many of the previous administration’s security policies, from striking foes with drone aircraft to maintaining the Guantánamo facility to preserving far-reaching N.S.A. surveillance.
    If that represents a source of satisfaction to conservatives like former Vice President Dick Cheney, it has angered Mr. Obama’s liberal base as well as a rising band of libertarian Republicans, among them Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky.
    Mr. Obama’s position reflects the lesson that Johnson alluded to in his memoirs. His father had told him no man could understand parenthood until becoming a parent, Johnson wrote, and he came to think of the presidency the same way.

    “Presidents are always going to grow and evolve because of what they learn,” said the presidential historian Michael Beschloss. “A president who does not do that is someone you probably don’t want as president.”