Thursday, February 9, 2017

Connecting Trump's dots of unconnected campaign promises - Financial Times

Connecting Trump’s Dots - unconnected campaign promises based on incoherent world view
Every day, the president’s behavior becomes more worrying. One day he demeans a federal judge who challenges him; the next day, without evidence, he accuses the media of hiding illegal voting or acts of terrorism. His lack of respect for institutions and truth pours out so fast, you start to forget how crazy this behavior is for any adult, let alone a president, and just how ugly things will get when we have a real crisis. And crises are baked into this story because of the incoherence of President Trump’s worldview.

How so? The world today is more interdependent than ever. The globalization of markets, the spread of cellphones, the accelerations in technology and biology, the new mass movements of migrants and the disruptions in the climate are all intertwined and impacting one another. As a result, we need a president who can connect all of these dots and navigate a path that gets the most out of them and cushions the worst.

But Trump is a dot exploiter, not connector. He made a series of reckless, unconnected promises, not much longer than tweets, to get elected, and now he’s just checking off each one, without thinking through the linkages among them or anticipating second-order effects.

It is a great way to make America weak — and overstretched — again.

Where do I start? Trump wants to get tougher with China on trade and security. That’s not crazy. But how would I do that? I’d organize an alliance of Pacific trading nations that surround China and enlist them in a trade pact that supports U.S.-style rule of law, greater market access for U.S. intellectual property and products and promotes U.S. values — as opposed to China’s. I’d call it the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP for short.

Oh wait, President Barack Obama did that, but Trump scrapped TPP on Day 1, without, I am sure, having read it. Now there is every reason to believe our Asian-Pacific allies will fall even more under China’s economic sway and trade “rules.” How smart is that?

And by the way, why is labor in Mexico cheaper than in America? One reason is that Mexico has weaker labor rights and environmental standards. Let’s see … what would TPP require of Mexico and other signatories? That they bring their labor rights and environmental standards closer to ours.

Instead, Trump is building a wall to keep out Mexican immigrants and force companies to move to the U.S. Let’s see … what happened after 9/11, when the border crossings with Mexico and Canada were severely constricted for security? It forced some assembly line shutdowns at U.S. auto companies, like Ford, because their supply chains stretched to Mexico and Canada. The lower-cost work is done in Mexico and then integrated with higher-value-added work in America, which enables our car companies to compete on price in Europe, Japan and China.



So what did the U.S., Canada and Mexico do after 9/11? They created a North American security envelope, explained Seth Stodder, Obama’s assistant secretary of homeland security, so if you fly into Mexico or Toronto from the Middle East, our Homeland Security Department now probably knows about it.

“Since 9/11, we and our Mexican and Canadian partners have worked to secure the North American perimeter by sharing information on people and goods coming to our countries, cross-referencing that information against terrorism databases and working collaboratively to identify potential bad actors trying to come to North America,” Stodder said. If we build a wall and demand that Mexico pay for it, how long will it go on cooperating with us?

And if Trump forces all these U.S.-based multinationals to move operations from Mexico back to the U.S., what will that do? Help tank the Mexican economy so more Mexicans will try to come north, and raise the costs for U.S. manufacturers. What will they do? Move their factories to the U.S. but replace as many humans as possible with robots to contain costs.

The U.N. says there’s a record 65 million displaced migrants and refugees, mostly from the developing world, trying to get into secure places like the U.S. or Europe. Why? A mix of civil wars, state failures, climate stresses and population explosions. What did Trump do his first week? Appoint climate deniers to key posts and ban U.S. aid to health groups that provide abortion as a family-planning option in developing nations.

Trump wants to partner with Vladimir Putin to defeat ISIS in Syria — a worthy goal. But Putin hasn’t been trying to defeat ISIS. He’s been trying to defeat democracy in Syria to keep the genocidal pro-Russian dictator there in power.

Will that be our goal, too? And who are Putin’s allies in Syria? Iran, Hezbollah and Shiite mercenaries from Pakistan and Afghanistan. Will they be our allies, too? No. We will enlist Iraqi and Syrian Sunnis to help us, says Trump. Really? But he just barred them from entering the U.S. How cooperative will they be?

And whom else might this ban keep out? Remember Steve Jobs? His biological father was Abdulfattah “John” Jandali. He came to America as a student in the 1950s and studied at the University of Wisconsin. He was from … Homs, Syria.

It’s amazing what a mess you can make when you only check boxes and don’t link them.

New York Times

Tim Cook Just Bought Himself More Time to Prove Apple Doubters Wrong - TIME Business

Posted: 01 Feb 2017 06:39 AM PST

Steve Jobs is a tough act to follow. How tough? Six years after Tim Cook took control of operations at Apple from Jobs, he’s still trying to escape the long shadow of his predecessor.
Cook has led Apple since January 2011, when Jobs went on medical leave to battle pancreatic cancer. The following August, Cook formally assumed the title of CEO. Under his leadership, Apple’s market cap has risen 144%, besting the 104% gain in the Nasdaq Composite Index. During the previous six years – the last six of Jobs’ tenure – Apple’s stock rose 329%.
Those numbers underscore the dilemma Cook faces. On the one hand, he’s steered Apple into a success that surpasses that of most of its Silicon Valley peers. On the other, he’s not Steve Jobs. And that has left Cook in a position where, no matter how well Apple is doing, it never quite seems to be good enough.
In the last year alone, Apple’s stock has risen more than 25% – again outperforming the Nasdaq by a good margin. And yet in recent weeks, many observers have been questioning Cook’s leadership, prompted in good part by the 10-year anniversary of the iPhone’s now legendary introduction by Jobs.
Some observers feel Apple has been losing its focus. One entrepreneur compared Cook to Steve Ballmer, who while CEO of Microsoft missed opportunities in search and mobile. A Wall Street analyst complained that Apple “lacks the courage to lead the next generation of innovation.” A former Apple employee tweeted, “The very first thing Tim did as CEO was convert Apple from a dynamic change-maker into a boring operations company.” 
Of course, Cook has his defenders. But 2016 presented Apple with its share of challenges. In its fiscal year through September, Apple saw its revenue decline for the first time in 15 years. Upgrades to the iPad, the Apple Watch and the MacBook Pro were steady improvements enough, but lacked the panache of years past. The company was seen as lagging behind Google and Microsoft in artificial intelligence. Bold new products, long promised by Cook, didn’t arrive soon enough to placate Apple skeptics.
All of these developments tugged at a core concern: Apple is losing its innovative edge. It had become The iPhone Company – the device makes up 70% of company revenue – and smartphones are becoming a saturated market. Even if that wasn’t Cook’s fault, it remained a big problem for him. When The New York Times asked Peter Thiel if the age of Apple were over, he said yes. “It’s not the fault of Tim Cook, but it’s not an area where there will be any more innovation.”
On Tuesday, Cook had his chance to disagree with all these naysayers. Apple said it returned to year-over-year growth last quarter for the first time in four quarters. Cook was careful to enumerate all the financial records it set last quarter: iPhone revenue. Watch revenue. Mac revenue. Revenue from the App Store and other services. Overall, revenue rose 3% last quarter, while earnings per share rose to $3.36. (Not everything was a record: Net income fell 3% to $17.9 billion).
One bright spot was services like the App Store and Apple Music. Revenue there grew by 18% last quarter as the number of paid subscribers grew to 150 million and as the average spend per customer also increased. Cook said he expects services revenue to double to around $50 billion in four years.
But the better news concerned Apple’s core iPhone business. Apple sold 78.3 million iPhones last quarter, above the 77 million estimate analysts had been looking for. iPhone revenue was strong in all regions except China, and many sales were coming from both upgrades and people switching from other manufacturers – two important developments as the global market for smartphones grows saturated.
That’s crucial for Cook, because it gives him time to prepare for the next iPhone, Apple’s most anticipated release in years. Not only is the next iPhone arriving on the 10th anniversary of the first model, it’s rumored to have features like an OLED screen, a glass casing, a battery that charges wirelessly, and possibly augmented reality features that Cook has hinted at in recent months.
If the “iPhone 8,” or whatever it ends up being officially named, revives Apple’s sales the way the iPhone 6 did a few years ago, Cook will have more time to deliver on the longer-term products he keeps insisting are in the pipeline. Unlike many previous earnings calls, no analyst asked for an update on that pipeline. The focus right now is squarely on the next iPhone, the next version of the game-changer Jobs unveiled a decade ago. And for Cook, that’s enough. Unlike skeptics like Thiel, he sees plenty of life left in the smartphone.
I think the smartphone is still in the early innings of the game. I think there’s lots more to do,” Cook said during Apple’s earnings call Tuesday. “We think different about a bunch of things,” he added, invoking an old Apple slogan. “This is just one more thing.”

Wednesday, February 8, 2017

DeVos sworn in as Seccretary of Edocation after marathon grilling where Pence used casting vote - ABC News

Michigan billionaire education activist Betsy DeVos was confirmed today to serve as the secretary of education in President Trump’s administration, after Vice President Mike Pence cast a tiebreaking vote in the Senate.
The Senate voted on DeVos’ highly contentious nomination this afternoon, and the tally was split evenly, requiring Pence to use his authority as president of the upper chamber of Congress to break the impasse. This was the first time that a vice president has broken a tie to confirm a Cabinet nominee.
Pence read the vote count 50-50 and then voted himself, rendering the tally 51-50.
The day before the vote, Democrats staged a 24-hour marathon of speeches, with more than 30 lawmakers taking to the floor to urge at least one additional Republican to vote against DeVos and block her confirmation.
“It is hard to imagine a worse choice,” Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., said before she read letters from constituents urging her to vote no.
DeVos stirred up vehement opposition from teachers’ unions and all 48 Senate Democrats. Many cited concerns about her support of school vouchers, which critics believe will weaken public schools, and her lack of experience, since she never attended or worked in the public education system. Others cited her lack of familiarity with a landmark law protecting the education needs of disabled children.
She was panned for a gaffe during her confirmation hearing, when she hedged on an answer about guns in schools by saying they might be needed in states like Wyoming to defend against “potential grizzlies.”
DeVos' nomination drew above-average negative reactions from the public, with voters flooding Senate phone lines and email accounts in recent weeks. Sen. Chris Van Hollen, D-Md., said his office received 14,000 calls about DeVos.
In addition to the entire Democratic caucus, two moderate Republicans, Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowskiof Alaska announced they would not support DeVos.
During a speech announcing her opposition, Collins said DeVos’ focus on charters and vouchers “raises the question of whether or not she fully appreciates that the secretary of education’s primary focus must be on helping states and communities, parents, teachers, school board members and administrators strengthen our public schools.”
Before the confirmation vote, the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee voted along party lines, 12-11, to refer DeVos’ nomination to the full Senate.
ABC News’ Morgan Winsor contributed to this report.

Tuesday, February 7, 2017

Trump orders a dress code in the White House - Financial Times

Donald Trump is trying to implement some sartorial rigour within his administration. According to intelligence from the White House, the president believes his staff should “have a certain look” and aspire to “be sharply dressed”. Men should wear a tie. Female colleagues have been told to “dress like a woman”, whatever that means. Perhaps he wants them to swing through the White House on tree vines, wearing jungle pelts in the manner of Edgar Rice Burroughs’ Jane?
As with so many of his executive orders so far, it’s predictably disappointing. And possibly misguided. One of the few joys to find in this new world order is in observing just how uniformly shambolic and ill-matched it is. I assumed the administration’s chaotic deportment was in fact a marvellously choreographed campaign to deflect “the opposition party” from the fine details of the day.
What better way to disguise your flailing incompetence at a press briefing, for example, than by wearing a tie of such exceptional ugliness that no one will really hear what you’re trying to say? Sean Spicer knows how to make headlines. The White House press secretary’s clumsy attempts to explain the botched military operations that led to the death of civilians and a Navy seal following a raid on Yemen last week were overlooked as focus fell instead on the diagonally striped monstrosity in poison yellow and navy tied around his neck.

I just assumed the tie was sartorial spin. Call it Project Blind: dull the people to the ineptitude of your policymaking and practice by wearing an eye-wateringly unattractive wardrobe. Donald Trump’s ill-fitting suit, Fanta complexion and feathery comb-over are already well documented: but he looks almost suave compared to the unshaven Steve Bannon, with his livid red proboscis, stained T-shirts and straining shirt buttons. So slovenly is he, and so swollen with choler, he seems to ooze with an especially Chaucerian brand of humour. Watching him slumped in his flannel shirts in the Oval Office, I am reminded of The Nun’s Priest Tale: “For God’s love, as tak som laxatyf.”
Then there’s Mike Pence, who wears smarter white button-down shirts, electric-coloured ties and navy suits, with all the self-possession of a Weeble. Or secretary of defence James Mattis, cadaverous in camo. Attorney-general Jeff Sessions wears pocket-sized suits and ties in reflux yellow and spotted vermilion: he carries them both with the skittery, overly keen mien of a warm-up host.
For comic opportunities alone, I hope Trump has directed his female staffers to follow the lead of Kellyanne Conway in their efforts to look “like a woman”. The counsellor to the president is the undisputed star of this fashion circus: a feisty, former cheerleader who, to judge by the state of her inauguration ensemble, takes her style inspiration from the Peruvian refugee Paddington Bear.
; a muddle of lurid jackets and look-at-me ensembles in primary brights — citrine, vermilion, blood — that are every bit as jarring as her coarse rhetoric. She embraces the type of womanly power glamour observed by weather girls and newscasters: her sleeveless dresses testify to a woman’s right to bare arms or, in the case of the ruffled gold jacket she wore to canvass at Trump Tower last November, the right to resemble a gilded valance sheet. But time has been cruel to Conway. Where once she might have been described as perky, the first weeks in office have lent her sleep-starved, kohl-rimmed looks the ravaged expression of a raptor. I can’t wait to see what she’ll wear next.
Whatever about “dressing sharp”. It must take a concerted effort, a willingness even, to look so collectively dreadful. It’s also in keeping with the evolution (or should that be devolution?) of world-leader style. After years of slick homogeny on the political stage — slim, dark-suited, smug — we’re now seeing a return of the fashion maverick: think Yanis Varoufakis and his football manager leathers, or Nigel Farage in his Toad-of-Toad-Hall Crombie and tulip-pink ties.
Similarly, British prime minister Theresa May’s affection for a voluminous tartan suit by Vivienne Westwood has been much discussed in recent weeks. As with the fabled leopard-print shoes in which she strode to power, May has worn the suits in moments of political — and personal — vulnerability, to announce her determination to lead the Conservative party, for example, or lay down a challenging Brexit strategy. Like Spicer’s tie, the tartan suit has proven a nifty decoy: capable of sucking up headlines and loud enough to distract from the political business of the day.
It may look daft, but the wacky wardrobe is a formidable weapon: bad clothes stimulate alternative conversations, they’re diverting and normalising. Conway’s flowerpot hats are awful, Bannon’s flak jacket is filthy and Spicer’s ties are plain obnoxious, but they all throw light on the individual that wears them. They give the wearer personality. Even more significantly, the clothes are humanising: one could almost feel sorry for Spicer; while Bannon’s gorilla-like bearing has become as morbidly fascinating as his guerrilla-style of governance. It’s all quite stupefying to behold — which, presumably, is the point.
So rather than insist his aides smarten up, if I were Trump I’d order everyone to keep on clowning around: brighter ties, Hawaiian print shirts, lots of gold lamé. Dressing like a fool never seemed so wise.

If your opinion is against Trump it is fake - Huffington Post


Natalie Jackson
Senior Polling Editor, The Huffington Post
Bright and early Monday morning, President Donald Trump took to Twitter to express his frustration with polling numbers on his policies. He specifically compared “any negative polling” to the CNN, ABC and NBC election polls and labeled them all “fake news.”


This tactic seems to be Trump’s modus operandi for dealing with anything that casts him in a negative light ― publicly call it “fake” and claim he knows better. He’s trying to manipulate the public into not believing the polling numbers that we know he’s rabidly consuming.

Unfortunately for Trump, that’s not how polling works. Polls, when done right, represent the views of millions of Americans ― with some room for error, of course, since they’re based on samples of a few hundred or a thousand people. The specific polls Trump called out are very high quality and were actually very close to the national election outcome.

The ABC News poll, conducted in partnership with the Washington Post, showed Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton up by 4 points in their final national poll, 47 percent to 43 percent. Clinton won the national popular vote, by a little more than 2 percentage points, 48 percent to 45.9 percent. The poll underestimated Clinton’s vote by 1 point and Trump’s vote by 2.9 points. That’s a pretty good performance, well within the poll’s margin of error.

The last NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll also had Clinton winning by 4 points. That poll showed higher third party and undecided vote proportions and had Clinton with only 44 percent and Trump at 40 percent. But the 4-point margin was within a reasonable range of the result.  CNN’s final election poll was conducted nearly 2 weeks prior to the election on Oct. 20-23, and had Clinton up by 5 points, a bit farther from the actual result, but not outrageous for 2 weeks prior to the election.
Trump’s problem with these polls isn’t that they weren’t true representations of Americans’ opinions. It’s that they didn’t show him winning the popular vote ― which he didn’t win, another fact he has sought to discredit by claiming 3-5 million people illegally voted. Now he’s doing the same thing with polling about his policies.

Technically he’s correct that “people want border security and extreme vetting.” Some people do. Trump’s immigration policies are popular with a segment of Americans, but how many support the policy depends on how pollsters ask about the policy. Only one poll shows a majority of Americans approving of Trump’s travel ban policy, but in several polls a majority disapproves.


However, Trump isn’t just trying to claim majority support. He clearly seeks to discredit all negative opinions with comments like “any negative polls are fake news.” This is unusual and alarming behavior from a president.

Plenty of presidents probably haven’t liked their polling numbers before. President Barack Obama probably wasn’t thrilled that his health care law has been mostly viewed unfavorably since 2010. President George W. Bush couldn’t have been satisfied with his job approval ratings, which steadily declined throughout his second term.

But neither Obama nor Bush tried to discredit American opinion. Trump seems to think he can ignore anything that isn’t favorable to him, and that we should just believe his decisions are best for the country based on his own “accumulation of data.”


We shouldn’t believe that from Trump or from anyone else. As I wrote last week, if the data aren’t cited and you can’t see the source, that’s the first indication that you shouldn’t believe it’s real. The same standard applies to the president.

Trump is smart: He’s attacking institutions that have public trust issues, and he gets a double whammy by hitting media polling. But even if you dislike polls, the claim that “any negative” information is fake is a dangerous one. If he uses it for polls, he’s likely to use it for other facts as well. That’s a very authoritarian tactic.

Don’t let Trump get away with labeling anything he doesn’t like “fake.” Keep making your voice heard in polls and in every way possible.



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Monday, February 6, 2017

Illegal immigrants from Mexico falling since 2009 - Pew Research

President Donald Trump appears to think building a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border will solve unauthorized immigration and other issues at the border. Stats from the last few years tell a completely different story. 
Trump signed two executive orders Wednesday that call for the immediate construction of a wall and issue directives to crack down on unauthorized immigration, increase security at the southern border and expand agencies’ deportation powers.
The order describes building the wall as a measure “to prevent illegal immigration, drug and human trafficking, and acts of terrorism.” Prioritizing a wall ― with an estimated cost in the billions ― has been widely condemned by Latino groups and lawmakers as a discriminatory attack on immigrants.
Building a wall to keep Mexicans out is also out of touch with the current realities of unauthorized immigration. Since the recession, more undocumented Mexican immigrants are actually leaving the country than entering it, according to the Pew Research Center.
And as the Mexican economy has improved, the number of people attempting to illegally cross into the U.S. from Mexico has dropped dramatically over the last 15 years, according to Quartz:
As of 2014, the majority of the 11 million undocumented immigrants living in the U.S. are from Mexico, according to Pew’s population estimates, but their numbers have been declining.  
At the same time, unauthorized immigration from other countries has risen, driven by people coming from Central America, Asia and sub-Saharan Africa. Pew notes that many of the people from those regions are entering the country legally and overstaying their visas ― something a wall won’t prevent.


On Wednesday, Trump claimed the wall would also help Mexico prevent unauthorized immigration from countries to its south. He addressed the “unprecedented surge of illegal migrants” from Central America, many of whom are families seeking asylum from violence in their countries
Central Americans outnumbered Mexican immigrants apprehended at the United States’ southern border in 2016. The total number of apprehensions increased last yearcompared to 2015, but was still lower than in 2014 or 2013. The apprehension figures give a sense of trends in the larger number of total illegal border crossings, according to U.S. Border Control.
Building a wall is impractical for other reasons. It won’t address actual enforcement needsofficials in Texas borderlands told HuffPost’s Roque Planas. U.S. Rep. Will Hurd (R-Texas) said a physical barrier isn’t an effective security measure for the area’s rough terrain and protected natural areas. Gilberto Hinojosa, chairman of the Texas Democratic Party, said the Rio Grande Valley area is heavily patrolled by authorities and that they’ve already “reached [their] maximum capacity in enforcement.”
What’s more, it’s not clear how the wall will be funded. Republican leaders said Thursday that Congress would front $12 billion or more for its construction, without clarifying if they’d offset the costs with other cuts. Trump has insisted Mexico will pay for the wall, but Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto has repeatedly refused: He reiterated his stance on Wednesday.
Nieto was scheduled to meet with Trump at the White House next week, but said on Thursday that he was canceling. Nieto’s decision followed Wednesday reports that he was considering whether to keep the meeting. Trump lashed out on Twitter earlier Thursdaythreatening to cancel as well, but Nieto pulled the trigger first.
During his presidential campaign, Trump frequently targeted immigrants and blamed them for American job losses, criminal activity and terrorism. He claimed Mexico was purposely sending “the bad ones” to the U.S., suggesting Mexican immigrants are criminals and rapists.

Sunday, February 5, 2017

Trump has made China great again - New York Times

Trump has made China great again

America’s rivals and enemies have enjoyed a very good 10 days.

One clear beneficiary has been ISIS, which has spent years trying to persuade Muslims that the United States is at war with Islam. ISIS wants to eliminate the world’s “gray zone,”the places where Muslims, Christians, Hindus and Jews live in harmony.

No wonder that ISIS-affiliated social media gleefully posted President Trump’s executive order this weekend, as Rukmini Callimachi of The Times reported. Trump’s call for a Muslim ban, like his unsubtle attempt to implement one, plays right into ISIS’ desire to eliminate the gray zone. The president of the United States himself now seems to agree that Muslims and non-Muslims can’t live together.

Besides the immorality and apparent illegality of Trump’s order, it’s worth weighing the strategic effects as well. Yes, it is conceivable that barring visitors from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen would keep out a future terrorist. But it’s highly unlikely.

They are already intensely vetted, and previous attackers have generally come from other countries. “The end result of this ban will not be a drop in terror attacks,” as dozens of American diplomats wrote, in a dissenting draft memo that leaked. Instead, “it will be a drop in international good will towards Americans and” — because of the chilling effect on travel — “a threat towards our economy.”

New York Times

Saturday, February 4, 2017

The presidency is not for an amoral man - Economist

CAN a bad man be a good president? The potential urgency of this question took Lexington on a cross-country pilgrimage to the Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum in Yorba Linda, California. The museum, which reopened in October after an expensive overhaul, attempts to weigh the flaws of the 37th president against his undoubted merits, starting with his intelligence, daunting capacity for work and a poker-player’s willingness to take calculated risks in geopolitics.
Much thought has gone into burnishing the reputation of the only president to resign the office. A new display for the selfie generation allows visitors to photograph themselves on the Great Wall of China next to a life-size Nixon cut-out, recalling his history-making visit in 1972. Little-known moments of physical courage are remembered. Carefully preserved bullets and glass fragments testify to a nearly fatal mob attack on his car while visiting Venezuela in 1958 as Dwight Eisenhower’s vice-president—the display explains how Nixon prevented a bloodbath by ordering his Secret Service agent to hold fire.
The museum hails Nixon for rallying a “silent majority” of Americans who felt ignored and disdained by bossy, self-dealing elites. Captions suggest that Nixon balanced a conservative’s wariness of big government with a pragmatist’s willingness to wield federal authority to heal chronic ills, whether that involved desegregating schools in the South to an extent that had eluded his Democratic predecessors or creating the Environmental Protection Agency to clean up rivers so polluted that they caught fire. This empathy for America’s forgotten, damaged places was all the more remarkable because—as the museum admits via filmed interviews with aides and family members—Nixon was a brooding introvert, “suspicious” to the point of paranoia.
The Watergate scandal that felled Nixon is presented in a side-gallery filled with sombre black, red and grey panels bearing labels like “Dirty Tricks and Political Espionage” and “Obstruction of Justice”. In the brightly lit main halls an elegant display explains how Nixon recorded White House conversations with hidden microphones, to preserve his presidency for posterity. An old-fashioned telephone plays such recordings as “Daddy, Do You Want to Go Out to Dinner?” a 1973 call from Nixon’s daughter, Julie. Walk a few yards into the Watergate gallery and the taped recordings are of the president growling about Jews in his government, snarling, “Generally speaking, you can’t trust the bastards.” Blazered volunteers earnestly describe Nixon’s strong and weak points. They work hard, with one guide spending long minutes explaining Maoist China to two youngsters perched on the canary-yellow sofas in a replica of his Oval Office from around 1969.
Alas for keepers of the Nixon flame, the museum—whose historical displays have become more candid over the years, notably when the complex became part of the official presidential library system in 2007—is too honest for its own good. The museum would like visitors to judge Nixon the man, which is why it includes a sculpture of a favourite dog curled up in an armchair and tours of the modest cottage where he was born, back when Yorba Linda was a rural backwater. But it ends up telling a story larger than any one individual. It reveals how close America’s ship of state came to being wrecked by a particularly lethal sort of bad leader: one guided by a broken moral compass.
The museum quotes one eyewitness to Watergate saying of Nixon’s resignation: “The system worked.” It nearly didn’t, though. A pilgrimage to Yorba Linda offers several troubling lessons. First, Nixon employed in his cabinet and White House many clever men with brilliant CVs. They did little to rein in the thugs and glinty-eyed loyalists infesting his inner circle, though some grandees did resign out of principle—notably the attorney-general and deputy attorney-general, who both quit rather than obey Nixon’s orders to fire a special prosecutor closing in on him (in the end the solicitor-general did the deed). Second, and perhaps unintentionally, the museum suggests that if the Supreme Court had not forced Nixon to release White House tapes of his ordering illegal acts, many partisans might have continued to look the other way. A striking interview, filmed in 2008, shows Bob Dole, a young senator back in 1973 who later became a party leader and presidential candidate, conceding that he tried to convince himself that sinister aides were behind every misdeed. “I didn’t want to make myself believe Nixon did this, that he actually participated,” he explains in a telling tangle of words.
A piece of cake, until you get to the top
Next, the museum records Nixon fulminating against perceived tormentors in the press. But photographs also show him acknowledging its reach by speaking in a newly opened West Wing briefing room—a facility whose future is currently in doubt. Today, amid confected rows about “fake news”, reporters who unearthed a new Watergate would start with roughly half the country ready to disbelieve them. Finally, the Nixon museum shows how the symbolic power of the presidency can cow dissent, even in this sceptical age. Tours end with a peek into a lovingly restored Sea King helicopter used by four presidents. A reverential guide points out a chic white racing stripe along the dark green fuselage, painted at Jacqueline Kennedy’s suggestion. He adds, lightly, that the aircraft is the one that carried Nixon into enforced retirement, and museum-goers look no less impressed.
Indoors, a diorama recreates that departure from the South Lawn of the White House, portraying the former presidential couple in their helicopter seats and quoting Pat Nixon’s lament to her husband: “It’s so sad, it’s so sad.” The staging lends the scene dignity and pathos. But the moment was not sad, it was a merited disgrace. No political leader is an angel. Good men have been bad presidents (cf, Jimmy Carter). But the presidency is the wrong job for an amoral man.

Mexican wall is only one option to stop illegal immigrants - NBC News

NEWS FEB 2 2017, 6:34 AM ET
Trump’s Wall Is Only One Potential Option for Border

BUDAPEST, Hungary — From Donald Trump's promise to make Mexico pay for a wall to Kenya's planned 435-mile security barrier along its boundary with Somalia, borders are big business.
"There were more borders and barriers being built in the last 10 years than ever before," says Thomas Tass, the chairman of Borderpol — an organization of border security agents and officials.
The border security market was worth $15.6 billion in 2015, according to estimates from marketing firm Strategic Defense Intelligence (SDI). It is expected to grow to $23.7 billion by 2025.
Image: The border fence near the village of Asotthalom, Hungary

The border fence on the Hungary-Serbia on Oct. 2, 2016. Reuters
Researchers from the University of Quebec say there are now at least 65 physical barriers along national borders around the world.
And while Trump's vow suggests there will be no sign of construction slowing, governments around the world are doing more than just putting up walls.
The big question for those watching the borders is how to keep criminals and terrorists out, without infringing on the rights and safety of legitimate travelers.
To accomplish this balancing act, border agencies — and the security companies that supply them — are deploying smarter technology as well.
"Border management programs are basically the biggest business for the security industry now," says Frank Doherty, the European operations director for border technology firm MSA.
The company offers "intelligent fences" that can detect intruders as well as ground sensors and expensive high-range security cameras that can see up to 15 miles away.
MSA has mainly focused on the Middle East, and is now seeing opportunities to increase its business in Europe. But Doherty says Europeans don't want highly visible, fortified barriers that are popular in countries such as Jordan, Saudi Arabia or Oman.
"In Europe they're more covert," he told NBC News. "They want to know the intruder is there but they don't necessarily want to show everybody that they're stopping them coming in."
The largest share of the market is expected to be maritime surveillance with which SID project manager Mainak Kar said is driven in part by demand for unarmed drones, helicopters and patrol vessels to monitor the number of migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea.
"Instead of active aggressive measures like armed patrol boats, electrical fences, a lot of equipment will be surveillance based just to know when and how people are coming in," Kar said.
Security agencies are also deploying a decidedly low-tech, but perhaps the most user-friendly method available: sniffer dogs.
"The dogs are still renowned as the best method of detecting a scene," says Colin Singer, managing director of Wagtail UK. His dogs are trained to sniff out a variety of scents ranging from drugs or tobacco to human beings.
"They're very accurate, so the use of the dogs is a favorite method by border agencies because of their accuracy and speed," he added.
Related: Here's What the U.S.-Mexico Border Looks Like Now
While public opinion may be aligning against globalization and the free movement of people, information sharing among security agencies remains a powerful tool in the fight against crime and terror.
Attila Freska, chief operating officer of Securiport, a company that provides security information management services to governments, says by better utilizing all the available data, security forces have something akin to "a crystal ball."
"Most people have a data footprint," he told NBC News. "But even if there is no data footprint, that's a flag. People buying expensive tickets for a flight with cash — that's a flag these days."
Interpol also makes freely available its extensive databases which include the red notices flagging arrest warrants for international suspects.
The organization also has a database of stolen and lost travel documents that lists some 70 million passports, according to Royce Walters, assistant director for terrorism and border security at Interpol.
He says it takes a fraction of second for a border agent to get information from the database, just by scanning a passport.
"Pretty much before you can finish swiping it, it's already hit the database and come back with information as to if there's a problem," he says.
Walters says another available database has millions of sets of fingerprints, "everything from small-time petty thieves, all the way up to terrorists that were identified during the war in Afghanistan and Iraq."
Despite such advances, sometimes a physical barrier is deemed necessary.
Hungary put up hundreds of miles of fencing along its borders with Serbia and Croatia in 2015 to stop waves of migrants who were crossing over to gain access to other European Union countries.
Hungarian Interior Ministry Deputy Secretary Matyas Hegyaljai told NBC News that the country, which typically received about 20,000 illegal migrant crossings each year, saw 400,000 crossings in 2015.
When border patrols and police were not enough to contain the influx, the country took action.
"We have an obligation to defend not only Hungary, but the European Union," Hegyaljai said.
Image: Migrants enter Hungary at border with Serbia in 2015

Migrants enter Hungary at the border with Serbia on Aug. 27, 2015. BERNADETT SZABO / Reuters
Hegyaljai suggested the fence could come down if the situation improves. "This is not a wall, forever, like on some other border lines," he added.
Tass, with Borderpol, says the challenges faced by Hungary provided a "litmus test of what the border management community will encounter in the months and years ahead."
ISIS has also changed the equation, and put pressure on the so-called Schengen system — which allows travelers free passage to other EU countries without passport checks.
The Islamist group has urged its fighters to use migrant routes to enter Europe. That includes two suicide bombers who had trained in Syria before taking part in the attacks Paris in November 2015.
"The real challenge for the entire civilized global community is the foreign fighters," says Peter Vincent, an assistant director for international policy at Borderpol.
But Vincent, who is a former official in the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and Department of Justice, says it is "unfortunate" to see European countries building fences and worries that strict controls put in place to stop terrorists will instead impact on lawful travelers.
"The trick for all of us is to have the proper safeguards in place to detect and capture that very small minority of committed terrorists, while the same time providing asylum and refugee status … to those that are truly fleeing terrorism, not committing acts of terrorism," he added.
According to Securiport's Freska, different legal structures between countries and privacy concerns mean there is no perfect solution to border security.
"You look at water and how it flows," he said. "You may build a dam in one area, it will flow around as we see over and over again."
NBC News

Friday, February 3, 2017

Trump presidency offers Opportunity to World’s Autocrats to world autocrats - New York Times

Trump Presidency Could Offer Opportunity to World’s Autocrats
By ROD NORDLAND
FEBRUARY 1, 2017
BEIRUT, Lebanon — Kim Jong-unmight seem an unlikely player in the global jockeying to get on the new American president’s good side, given the North Korean leader’s implied threats as recently as New Year’s Day to launch nuclear missiles at the United States.
But Mr. Kim apparently sees in President Trump “a good opportunity for him to open a kind of compromise with the new American administration,” North Korea’s highest-ranking defector, Thae Yong-ho, said in an interview with CNN last week.
The bromance between President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Mr. Trump is the most prominent example of a trend that has swept the world, instilling new hope for a strongman-friendly America in countries like the Philippines, Turkey or Egypt, and among nationalists in many other places who hope to follow in Mr. Trump’s footsteps and gain political power.
Many appear to see a Trump presidency as an opportunity to engage with a like-minded leader who has stated nationalist aims. Others may hope for respite from criticism over their human rights records or authoritarian tendencies. Some, like Mr. Kim and Mr. Putin, might see an opportunity to further their national aims in a new geopolitical order.
The historian Timothy Garton Ash, writing in The Guardian, called the Trump presidency “a new era of nationalism” in which “the nationalists are giving one another the Trumpian thumbs-up across the seas.”
The Philippine president, Rodrigo Duterte, who called former President Barack Obama a “son of a whore” for the Obama administration’s criticism of an officially sanctioned assassination campaign against drug dealers in the Philippines, was quick to congratulateMr. Trump on his election victory. The Philippine president said last week that Mr. Trump had sent him a message of support.
Mr. Duterte, who has threatened to break off relations with the United States, a longtime ally, and turn to China instead, made the announcement during an appearance at the Miss Universe pageant in Manila. (Like Mr. Trump, who owned Miss Universe until 2015, Mr. Duterte has long reveled in appearing in public with beauty queens.)
Mr. Duterte appeared unfazed by Mr. Trump’s order last week blocking refugees from the United States and curtailing immigration from some mainly Muslim countries, saying on Sunday that “I will not lift a finger” to help Filipinos facing deportation from the United States, according to The Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Even those who were contemptuous of Mr. Trump when he was a reality show star considered a long-shot to win the presidency have changed their tune.
In June, after Mr. Trump said he would bar Muslims from entering the United States, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey demanded that Mr. Trump’s name be removed from Trump Towers Istanbul. Mr. Erdogan, an Islamist, has arrested or fired 100,000 opponents and jailed 40,000 more after an unsuccessful military coup last summer.
After Mr. Trump’s election, Mr. Erdogan shifted his stance. “I believe we will reach a consensus with Mr. Trump, particularly on regional issues,” Mr. Erdogan said this month during a meeting with Turkish diplomats. Some cracks appeared to show after Mr. Trump’s immigration order Friday: Mr. Erdogan called the move “frankly disturbing.” But he said he would still meet with Mr. Trump at an unspecified date and raise the issue then.
And the name of Trump Towers remains unchanged.
In Egypt, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, who has smarted from American criticism about the country’s human rights record and about the military coup that brought him to power, appears to be welcoming Mr. Trump’s leadership. In December, after a phone call from Mr. Trump, Mr. Sisi agreed to delay a vote in the United Nations Security Council on Israeli settlements.
Mr. Sisi’s silence in the face of the executive order on refugees was conspicuous, despite widespread sentiment in the region that it was anti-Muslim.
In Kazakhstan, the country’s “president for life,” Nursultan A. Nazarbayev, whose poor human rights record is well documented, said Mr. Trump had called him in December and complimented him on the “miracle” he had wrought in his country over its 25 years of independence. Mr. Trump was apparently not referring to Mr. Nazarbayev’s 2015 re-election, which the Kazakh leader won with 97.7 percent of the vote.
Mr. Trump has also been lauded by nationalists in Europe, where his anti-immigration messages resonate on a continent that has been swamped with refugees from wars in countries like Syria and with economic migrants. Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, has welcomed Mr. Trump’s victory, as have far-right leaders such as Marine Le Pen in France.
Some of the enthusiasm by authoritarian leaders for Mr. Trump’s presidency seems to be linked to his stated inclination to overturn the world order. That may include rethinking alliances like the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or tackling long-running issues such as North Korea and its nuclear arms program — now overseen by Mr. Kim.
In reality, Mr. Kim is still a long way from becoming a friend of Mr. Trump, despite the assertions last week by Mr. Thae, the North Korean defector.
Mr. Kim’s anti-American statements have been belligerent even after the election of Mr. Trump, who responded to a supposed North Korean missile threat by posting on Twitter, “It won’t happen!” That led Jeffrey Lewis, a nonproliferation expert, to worry in the magazine Foreign Policy that “Donald Trump is already tweeting us into war with North Korea.”
However, Mr. Trump did suggest last year that if he were elected he might meet with Mr. Kim. The offer left the foreign policy establishment shuddering at what many would see as a serious breach of protocol, essentially acknowledging the leader of a state that the United States does not recognize.
“I would speak to him. I would have no problem speaking to him,” Mr. Trump said during an interview with Reuters in May.
The North Korean and American leaders may find other common ground. When Mr. Trump signed an executive order declaring Jan. 20, his inauguration day, as a “National Day of Patriotic Devotion,” social media feeds lit up withcomparisons to declarations from North Korea’s regime of similarly named occasions.
For leaders like Mr. Erdogan and Mr. Sisi, the Trump presidency could provide a respite from criticism of their increasingly repressive governments, and it might even validate their tactics.
Like other authoritarian leaders, Mr. Erdogan has been a firm ally of the United States and a prickly critic of it. Turkey hosts American military bases and is a member of NATO. But many of Mr. Erdogan’s supporters blamed the United States for the attempted military coup, and Mr. Erdogan has chafed under human rights criticism from Washington of its crackdown on opponents and the news media.
Turkish officials have said they are hopeful that the American military will end its cooperation with Kurdish fighters in eastern Turkey. The Pentagon considers the Kurds to be valuable allies, while the Turks see them as terrorist supporters of Kurdish PKK rebels inside Turkey.
Turkey has reason to be hopeful. Mr. Trump’s national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn, published comments on Election Day calling for stronger support for the Turkish government. Mr. Flynn’s consulting company, Flynn Intel Group, had a contract at the time with a Turkish business association loosely affiliated with the Erdogan government.
Mr. Erdogan, who has jailed more journalists than any other leader in the past year, was almost gleeful after Mr. Trump shouted down the CNN reporterJim Acosta at a news conference in January, responding to CNN and BuzzFeed reports on intelligence briefings regarding unsubstantiated allegations of Russian efforts to blackmail Mr. Trump.
“Those who carried out that game back then in Turkey have done him wrong again during the news conference,” Mr. Erdogan said after the event, referring to CNN. “And Mr. Trump put the reporter of that group in his place.”
Even with all the friendly words, it is unclear whether Mr. Trump and thin-skinned leaders like Mr. Erdogan and Mr. Duterte will be able to maintain their warm relationships.
In Manila, for example, Mr. Duterte’s appreciation of Mr. Trump’s support was qualified. He said he sent a reply to Mr. Trump, via Miss Universe organizers, complaining about his apparent exclusion from Mr. Trump’s inauguration. “I said tell him, ‘Friend, I didn’t go to the inauguration because I wasn’t invited.’”
New York Times

Donald Trump Plans to Undo Dodd-Frank Law, Fiduciary Rule - Wall Street Journal

Donald Trump Plans to Undo Dodd-Frank Law, Fiduciary Rule
MICHAEL C. BENDER and DAMIAN PALETTA
Feb. 3, 2017 1:00 a.m. ET
WASHINGTON—President Donald Trump on Friday plans to sign an executive action to scale back the 2010 Dodd-Frank financial-overhaul law, in a sweeping plan to dismantle much of the regulatory system put in place after the financial crisis.
Mr. Trump also plans another executive action aimed at rolling back a controversial regulation scheduled to take effect in April that critics have said would upend the retirement-account advisory business.
“Americans are going to have better choices and Americans are going to have better products because we’re not going to burden the banks with literally hundreds of billions of dollars of regulatory costs every year,” White House National Economic Council Director Gary Cohn said in an interview with The Wall Street Journal. “The banks are going to be able to price product more efficiently and more effectively to consumers.”
Mr. Trump will use a memorandum to ask the labor secretary to consider rescinding a rule set to go into effect in April that orders retirement advisers, overseeing about $3 trillion in assets, to act in the best interest of their clients, Mr. Cohn said in the White House interview. He said the rule limits consumer choice.
Mr. Trump also will sign an executive order that directs the Treasury secretary and financial regulators to come up with a plan to revise rules the Dodd-Frank law put in place.
Mr. Cohn said the actions are intended to pave the way for additional orders that would affect the postcrisis Financial Stability Oversight Council, the mechanism for winding down a giant faltering financial company, and the way the government supervises big financial firms that aren’t traditional banks, often referred to as systemically important financial institutions.

“This is a table setter for a bunch of stuff that is coming,” he said.
The changes Mr. Cohn described are sure to face a fight from consumer groups and Democrats, who say postcrisis regulations are protecting average borrowers and investors from abusive practices, while making the financial system more resilient and bailouts less likely.
This path also may create political problems for Mr. Trump, whose populist campaign was successful in swaths of the Midwest where homeowners were hit hardest by the housing crash sparked by the financial crisis.
Mr. Trump blamed the political establishment and Wall Street banks for leaving behind many Americans and vowed to break up both. Those promises have already been called into question as he has filled his administration with members of Congress and Wall Street executives, including Mr. Cohn, who retired as president of Goldman Sachs GroupInc. to join the Trump administration.
Adding to the potentially difficult optics for Mr. Trump, he will sign the actions on the same day he meets with a group of business executives, including J.P. Morgan Chase & Co. Chief Executive James Dimon and BlackRock Inc. CEO Laurence Fink.
Asked about the potential political pushback because of his Wall Street past, Mr. Cohn said the administration’s goal of deregulating financial markets “has nothing to do with Goldman Sachs.”
“It has nothing to do with J.P. Morgan,” he said. “It has nothing to do with Citigroup. It has nothing to do with Bank of America. It has to do with being a player in a global market where we should, could and will have a dominant position as long as we don’t regulate ourselves out of that.”
Mr. Cohn said existing regulations put in place by Dodd-Frank are so sweeping that it is too hard for banks to lend, and consumers’ choice of financial products is too limited.
Democrats and consumer groups have pushed for tighter controls on banks and other lenders, particularly after the subprime mortgage crisis that helped fuel the global financial crisis.
But Mr. Cohn said that many of the postcrisis rules haven’t solved the problems they were supposed to be addressing. He said, for example, that there still isn’t a solid process to safely wind down the collapse of a giant faltering financial company or to ensure that those firms have access to short-term liquidity.
“I’m not sitting here saying we want to go back to the good old days,” Mr. Cohn said.
“We have the best, most highly capitalized banks in the world, and we should use that to our competitive advantage,” he added. “But on the flip side, we also have the most highly regulated, overburdened banks in the world.”
Mr. Cohn laid out a road map for how the Trump administration plans to target new financial rules. He said the Treasury Department would lead an effort to overhaul mortgage-finance giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which were put into government conservatorship after the crisis.
He also said that the White House wouldn’t need a change in the law to redirect the mission of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, created by the 2010 law and which governs things like mortgage and credit-card rules.
He suggested the White House could influence the mission of the bureau, set up as an independent agency, by putting a new person at its helm to replace Richard Cordray, the agency’s director.
Asked about potential changes at the agency, he said, “Personnel is policy.”
Mr. Cordray has declined to say what he might do if Mr. Trump attempts to remove him. He told The Wall Street Journal in January the arrival of the Trump administration “shouldn’t change the job at all.”
Mr. Cohn has emerged as one of the top economic and strategic thinkers within the White House, as the Senate hasn’t yet confirmed Mr. Trump’s pick for Treasury secretary, Steven Mnuchin, and the Trump administration also hasn’t named any members of the Council of Economic Advisers.
Mr. Cohn did say, though, that a Federal Reserve post, the vice chairman of supervision, is “a very important job to be filled.” This slot was created by the Dodd-Frank law but has been left vacant.
On the fiduciary rule change, the Friday memorandum will ask the Labor Department to revise or rescind the rule.
Mr. Trump has nominated Andrew Puzder to run the department, but he hasn’t been confirmed by the Senate.
Asked if the rule would be eliminated, Mr. Cohn nodded his head. “It’s a bad rule for consumers,” he said.
The fiduciary rule, unveiled last spring and set to go into effect in April, would restrict how brokers can provide retirement advice by forcing them to work in the best interest of their clients and generally avoid conflicts, which can come about with commission-based compensation. It stands to affect about $3 trillion of retirement assets in the U.S., according to research firm Morningstar Inc.
Mr. Cohn said to comply with the rule, companies would be forced to offer retirement products with the lowest fees even if it isn’t best for their client.
Mr. Trump said repeatedly during the presidential campaign that the Dodd-Frank overhaul law was preventing banks from lending, which he said made it harder for consumers to access credit and get the economy to grow. Financial analysts have had mixed views on this assessment.
Some believe that low demand from consumers has hurt the ability of banks to lend, and low interest rates have hurt the returns banks make on these loans. But smaller banks have said they are dealing with a crush of new regulations spurred by Dodd-Frank, something regulators have struggled to address.
Mr. Cohn didn’t specify how all of these regulations should be rewritten, but he said that financial markets have made their own corrections and that the environment that fueled the financial crisis no longer existed. He said, for example, that even if mortgage restrictions are rolled back, it doesn’t mean that there would be another boom in the subprime lending market. That is because, he said, those loans can’t be securitized and sold like they were before the financial crisis because the market for those products isn’t the same.
“We don’t want to do it an unregulated way,” he said. “We want to do it in a smart, regulated way.”
—Ryan Tracy 
and Lisa Beilfuss 
contributed to this article
Write to Michael C. Bender at Mike.Bender@wsj.com and Damian Paletta at damian.paletta@wsj.com

Wall Street Journal

Thursday, February 2, 2017

The Phrase Putin Never Uses About Terrorism (and Trump Does) - New York Times

The Phrase Putin Never Uses About Terrorism (and Trump Does)
By ANDREW E. KRAMER
FEBRUARY 1, 2017
MOSCOW — Vladimir V. Putin, Russia’s president, hardly misses a chance to talk tough on terrorism, once famously saying he would find Chechen terrorists sitting in the “outhouse” and “rub them out.”
He and President Trump, notably dismissive of political correctness, would seem to have found common language on fighting terrorism — except on one point of, well, language.
During his campaign, Mr. Trump associated Islam with terrorism and criticized President Obama for declining to use the phrase “radical Islamic terrorism.”
However, Mr. Putin, whom Mr. Trump so openly admires for his toughness, has, for more than a decade, done exactly what President Obama did. He has never described terrorists as “Islamic” and has repeatedly gone out of his way to denounce such language.
“I would prefer Islam not be mentioned in vain alongside terrorism,” he said at a news conference in December, answering a question about the Islamic State, a group he often refers to as “the so-called Islamic State,” to emphasize a distinction with the Islamic religion.
At the opening of a mosque in Moscow in 2015, Mr. Putin spoke of terrorists who “cynically exploit religious feelings for political aims.”
In the Middle East, Mr. Putin said at the mosque opening, “terrorists from the so-called Islamic State are compromising a great world religion, compromising Islam, sowing hatred, killing people, including clergy,” and added that “their ideology is built on lies and blatant distortions of Islam.”
He was careful to add, “Muslim leaders are bravely and fearlessly using their own influence to resist this extremist propaganda.”
And, this being Russia, the failure to adhere to this Kremlin-determined interpretation is a prosecutable offense: The Russian news media are required by law to note in any mention of the Islamic State that the reference is to a banned terrorist organization of that name, lest it be misconstrued as denigrating religion.
Mr. Putin does not take this stance to soothe the feelings of Western liberals, a group he dismisses as hypocritical in any case.
“Putin prides himself on Russia’s intelligence capabilities,” the Brookings Institution wrote in a study of the early formation of his counterterrorism policies. “Russian leaders think they know their enemy,” and it is not the governments of majority Muslim countries such as Iraq and Iran, or the majority of Muslims living in Russia.
Instead, Russian counterterrorism strategy focused on financing and militarily backing moderate Muslim leaders, with the breakthrough in the Chechen war coming when the region’s imam, Akhmad Kadyrov, allied with the Russian military. His son, Ramzan Kadyrov, leads the region today.
While embracing Islamic leaders as a centerpiece of its counterterrorism strategy, however, the Kremlin did not avoid drawing distinctions along religious lines.
The Russian government backed the Kadyrov family’s campaign to revive traditional Sufi Islam in Chechnya as a counterweight to the more austere Wahhabi denomination professed by many separatists. The Wahhabi strain was outlawed in another restive, predominantly Muslim province, Dagestan, and its adherents are persecuted in Russia, rights groups say.
Still, the alliance with moderate Islamic religious leaders became important in pacifying Chechnya and other North Caucasus regions, which have ceased to pose a serious security threat to Russia.
“Putin rules a multiconfessional country,” Orkhan Dzhemal, a commentator on Islamic affairs, said in a telephone interview, noting that in the United States, in contrast, Muslims are not a powerful political force. “He cannot say ‘Islamic terrorism’ for a simple reason. He doesn’t want to alienate millions of Russians.”
The term preferred in Russian political parlance is “international terrorism.”
In a phone call on Friday, President Trump and Mr. Putin discussed “real cooperation” in fighting terrorist groups in Syria. They could agree on an enemy. But the Kremlin statement described a “priority placed on uniting forces in the fight against the main threat — international terrorism.”
Follow Andrew E. Kramer on Twitter @AndrewKramerNYT.

How Trump benefited from the White House - New York Times

PETE GAMLEN
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD
FEBRUARY 1, 2017
As a candidate, President Trump spent contributors’ money for office space that he owned, stays at his resorts and food at his restaurants. He spent contributors’ money on Trump-branded wine and water. He displayed Trump merchandise at campaign events. Now he seems determined to milk the presidency, apparently synonymous with his brand in his eyes, for a fortune.
“The brand is certainly a hotter brand than it was before,” Mr. Trump observed, with satisfaction, shortly after the election.
Last week, an executive of the Trump Organization, Eric Danziger, said it would open Trump-branded hotels in the 26 largest metropolitan areas in the country, up from five. The business, he said, would focus its expansion domestically for “the next four or eight years.” The fee to join the Mar-a-Lago club in Palm Beach, Fla., which Mr. Trump calls the “Winter White House,” just doubled to $200,000.
This news came less than a week after Mr. Trump and his inauguration committee hosted parties and other events at the Trump International Hotel in Washington, in the government-owned Old Post Office. Even his press secretary, Sean Spicer, has become a pitchman: “It’s an absolutely stunning hotel,” he said recently. “I encourage you to go there if you haven’t been by.”

Self-dealing is such standard procedure for this White House that a cynic (or satirist) might say it’s time to give in and try to put Mr. Trump’s conflicts of interest to work for the public. Maybe if he had hotels in every nation, he’d have a financial interest in being less bellicose, and more supportive of the free flow of trade and of people, even if they happen to be Mexican or Muslim.
But we really prefer the old-fashioned approach in which presidents put the public interest ahead of their own finances. Federal ethics officials have told Mr. Trump that he should divest his business interests to avoid allegations of bribery and to assure Americans that their needs are his only concern. Mr. Trump argues that he can put a “firewall” between his businesses and himself by having his eldest sons manage them. The president and the Trump Organization last week hired lawyers to keep an eye on the Trumps, a laughable ploy that doesn’t meet ethical or anti-corruption standards and constitutional requirements.
Mr. Trump has argued that the law permits the president to keep his business — even though no modern president has done so, and far poorer ones than he have sold off business interests to serve. He and his lawyers have played down the importance of the emoluments clause of the Constitution, which prohibits government officials from accepting gifts or income from foreign governments without the approval of Congress. And he refuses to release his tax returns and divest his assets and put the proceeds in a blind trust, as his cabinet nominees are doing right now.
Consider the Trump Hotel. Mr. Trump has a 60-year lease on the property with the General Services Administration. That contract states that no elected federal official “shall be admitted to any share or part of this lease, or to any benefit that may arise therefrom.” That unambiguous clause exists to prevent corruption and self-dealing by government officials.
Since Mr. Trump officially violated the lease when he assumed office, the agency is clearly obligated to cancel the lease or require that it be sold to another hotel operator. Ranking Democrats on the House and Senate committees with jurisdiction over the agency have for weeks been asking it to address the lease violation. So far, the agency, which reports to the president, appears to have done nothing. Mr. Trump’s lawyers preposterously contend that because he was not an elected official when the lease was signed, he hasn’t broken it.
Aside from violating the lease terms, Mr. Trump is very likely violating the emoluments clause by holding on to the hotel. His lawyers have said that he will donate profits from rooms rented to foreign governments to the Treasury, but that’s no cure. Experts say it would be next to impossible to account for foreign “profits” — which, of course, would be based on the hotel’s own calculations. Is the hotel prepared to open its books so the public can judge those numbers for itself?
Congress ought to demand that the G.S.A. uphold the terms of the hotel lease and shame Mr. Trump into selling his other businesses, the fortunes of which are now hitched to the presidency. Democrats have been trying to do this, but the Republicans who run the House and Senate have not joined them. So far, they lack the spine to challenge the president. Just imagine how they would have reacted if Hillary Clinton had been elected and the Clinton Foundation were merely leasing a government building, let alone using it to generate revenue.
If the agency doesn’t act, a competing hotel could sue to demand that it cancel the lease because the president’s control of the hotel represents unfair competition. The Trump Hotel has been drawing business away from other hotels, precisely because its proprietor occupies the White House. Indeed, the hotel has promoted itself on Twitter with an image of a man relaxing in one of its rooms, gazing out upon a building that looks very like the White House (it’s actually the Environmental Protection Agency, which Mr. Trump campaigned to abolish). Since the election, embassies from countries that include Bahrain, Kuwait and Azerbaijan have held receptions at the hotel, and diplomats say it’s important that they be seen patronizing it.

A tweet from Trump Hotels makes it clear that proximity to power is part of the sales pitch.
Mr. Trump has boasted that the presidency boosts his brand. He should focus instead on how his commercial ambition is tarnishing the image of public service. If he continues to reduce the most powerful office in the world to a marketing scheme, ethical public servants, in Congress and across the government, can’t stand by and watch.
New York Times