Maybe Trump is a kind of cry for help from the Earth, a human flare - Guardian

Maybe Trump is a kind of cry for help from the Earth, a human flare

Frankie Boyle

Sunday 27 August 2017 18.05 AEST

So are we heading for a Mad Max-style future? I don’t think so. After having lived through Donald Trump we’ll surely just call him Max. Trump is behaving so strangely, we’re probably about a month away from not being allowed to make jokes about him. He’s gone past Charlie Sheen and we’re now entering the bald Britney phase. It’s hard to imagine how America can go back to having a normal president after this. The next president will have to be a car with guns for wheels. After Trump, a Saturday Night Live sketch about Mike Pence would look like something by Samuel Beckett.

Trump is sort of like Father Dougal killed a man, so is wearing Father Jack as a disguise. He looks like the image burned into your retina should you watch a completely normal man burst into flames. Even on an HDTV he looks like a sixth generation VHS recording. A president with the temperament of a wasp that’s spent 40 minutes on musical hold, his Twitter feed reads like he’s building up a credible insanity defence for when he’s finally impeached. It’s not just that he lives on Twitter, he embodies it: digressive, petty, trivial, poisonous and self-aggrandising. He basically speaks like a totally random stream of tweets. One minute he’s on Mexicans, then he’s talking about his shoes, then a threat, then a joke about a cat.

Last week he held a rally in Phoenix, Arizona – possibly because he thought he’d blend in to a state that is orange, desolate and has a cavernous gap in its heart so huge, people travel the world just to gasp and cry. Phoenix is best known for the song By The Time I Get To Phoenix (She’ll Be Rising), in this case referring to Lilitu the she-demon of the apocalypse. Trump delivered one of his random rightwing word collages in front of a crowd who if they were any whiter would have had carrots for noses.

Under investigation by the FBI, Trump is now at war with intelligence in two ways

Imagine standing up in Arizona and talking about preserving white culture: a state so recently colonised that the dry cleaners still offer a smallpox cleansing service. White guys have only been in Arizona for 150 years – that’s not even enough time to fill a Costa loyalty card. He’s literally standing in Apache land, 150 years after their genocide, talking about protecting American culture; standing amid a culture people like him destroyed, talking about building a wall, like Simon Cowell launching the next series of The X Factor in the Cavern Club.

But what else can we expect from Trump – he doesn’t get his history from reading, he gets it from staring at lumps of stone. A statue to Robert E Lee? If they want to look up to a white guy who’s rubbish at attack and can’t remember which side he’s on, we can send James Milner over there to stand on a box. Arizona is on the Mexican border, meaning his shouting the word “WALL” goes down very well, especially since they know they can get better quality drugs through their border with Hollywood. People will still try to jump over whatever makeshift fence he finally manages to put up. All Trump is doing is turning America into a giant Glastonbury; there’s a headliner no one approves of, but you’ll still go for Dolly Parton and the van making smoothies.

Obviously, Trump’s pivot to Afghanistan is depressing. The only comfort to Trump getting in was that he intended to keep his horrific Armageddon packed tightly within his walled up, hermetically sealed Thunderdome America. I suppose this is the kind of consistency we should expect from someone who can’t finish a sentence. Under investigation by the FBI, he is now at war with intelligence in two ways. It’s hard to pick out a single low point of the Trump presidency, but it seems like the KKK now feel relaxed enough to march without their hoods. “Jews will not replace us!”? Looks like if your sister keeps saying no, nobody will mate.

Can we even think of Trump in terms of intent? Aren’t we then like those shamans who used to project anger on to erupting volcanoes? Maybe Trump is a kind of cry for help from the Earth, a human flare. Or perhaps he has been produced by the Earth to destroy mankind, and his personality is actually nature’s critique of humanity. How fitting that life on Earth will be extinguished by a reality TV host, over a mediocre golf-club burger at his nuclear winter White House, a kind of 3-star Black Lodge.

The US has always been balanced on uneasy contradictions. Even the constitution promises both the right to freedom of speech and the freedom to have a gun to shoot people who annoy you. Right at the heart of its contradictions are the twin ideas of liberty and enslavement, its founding principles of “freedom” and “but not for everybody”.

If I had to guess what was at the forefront of the minds of the American right at the moment, I’d say voter suppression. It doesn’t matter that the US has a rhetorical attachment to democracy. Through its actions as a state it has long undermined any connection between its stated ideals and its actions. I think the US will now face a long struggle to avoid a slide into totalitarianism, led of course by people calling themselves libertarians.

Frankie Boyle’s new book Your Guide To Hell (John Murray) is out in October

John Kelly’s Latest Mission: Controlling the Information Flow to Trump - New York Times

John Kelly’s Latest Mission: Controlling the Information Flow to Trump

by MAGGIE HABERMANAUG. 24, 2017

For months, the White House under President Trump operated with few real rules, and those were barely enforced. People wandered into the Oval Office throughout the day. The president was given pieces of unvetted information, and found more on his own that he often tweeted out. Policy decisions were often based on whoever had last gotten Mr. Trump’s attention.

Mr. Trump’s Twitter habit shows little sign of abating. On vacation earlier at his private club in Bedminster, N.J., and now, ensconced again in the White House, he has been watching television — unfettered by any aides — and responding as he always has.

But inside the West Wing, the president’s new chief of staff, John F. Kelly, has been trying to control the things he can. After being sworn in on July 31, he spent three weeks assessing how to create a less jumbled, chaotic churn around Mr. Trump, and how to create a system that the president’s staff will respect. In two memos sent to the staff on Monday he began to detail his plan, starting with how he wants information to get to the president, and how Mr. Trump will respond.

Codifying of paper flow and decision-making is not usually of note in a White House, and the practices laid out were fairly standard in previous administrations. But in Mr. Trump’s White House, where fiefs have been in constant combat and decision-making has often been ill defined, the memos, first reported by Politico, mark a new era.

The pair of memos, signed by Robert Porter, the assistant to the president for policy coordination and staff secretary, as well as Mr. Kelly, codified rules and procedures that a White House typically sets at the outset of an administration.

Mr. Kelly’s predecessor, Reince Priebus, sent some similar guidelines around early in the administration, according to two officials, but they were never taken seriously. Mr. Kelly, a retired Marine general, has been treated with a different level of deference inside the building, those aides said. Staff members discovered early on that they could defy Mr. Priebus, the officials said, but crossing a Marine is a different matter.

Mr. Kelly has made clear that one thing he will not seek to directly control is the behavior of the president, and there is a good reason for that.

Mr. Trump has a history of lashing out at advisers who have publicly conveyed their attempts to impose tighter procedures on him. Just before Election Day, for example, Mr. Trump blew up publicly after a New York Times report that his aides had succeeded in keeping him off Twitter for the final stages of the campaign. He tweeted several times to enforce the point.

Despite Mr. Kelly’s fairly deft touch at approaching the president, Mr. Trump has shown signs of rebelling after stories have appeared describing how his chief of staff has put tighter controls in place and is imposing some discipline on White House operations. That included his news conference at Trump Tower in which he doubled down on his blame for “both sides” in the racially charged violence in Charlottesville, Va., and his campaign rally speech in Arizona on Tuesday when he accused the news media of mischaracterizing his statements.

Mr. Kelly had urged Mr. Trump to deliver a more somber, traditional statement the day before. And he and other advisers had urged the president to avoid taking questions from the news media at Trump Tower, a request that the president ignored. Before Mr. Trump’s rally in Arizona, aides prepared a sober set of remarks for him to deliver about unity, and sought to redirect his focus after he learned of a Times report about his relationship with Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader. Mr. Trump, who trusts few people and adjusts to new advisers gradually, railed at his new chief of staff over the story, according to one person close to the president.

Still, the memos have brought comfort to a number of Mr. Trump’s advisers who have sought structure in a Wild West environment. And they have provided guardrails where few existed.

“General Kelly is instilling processes to ensure that the president has the information and analysis he needs to make decisions,” said Sarah Huckabee Sanders, the White House press secretary.

The memos were follow-ups to themes that Mr. Kelly touched on during a conference call with senior staff members in which he went through a menu of items related to how the president receives information, how he makes decisions, how meetings with him are scheduled, and how speeches are scheduled and written.

The president’s new chief of staff, John F. Kelly, a retired Marine general, has been treated with a different level of deference and credibility inside the White House than his predecessor. Credit Tom Brenner/The New York Times

The effect so far has been, at times, a more pronounced split-screen between the president’s public behavior and his staff’s more structured approach. But inside the West Wing, several aides said they felt more protected by an established process.

In one of the memos, White House aides were told that all materials prepared for the president must go first to Mr. Porter for vetting and clearance. Then Mr. Kelly must sign off on them before they go to Mr. Trump’s desk. That includes news articles, according to West Wing officials who described the memos’ content — of particular importance, given the propensity for some of Mr. Trump’s staff to slip him news accounts from dubious sources that shape his thinking or prompt him to cite unreliable or inaccurate information.

The process for documents with legal implications is somewhat more rigorous, although a version of it has been in place since Mr. Priebus was chief of staff.

For instance, the draft of an executive order will go through several stages of development, involving the White House Counsel’s Office and vetting by relevant staff and agency officials. Then it will go to Mr. Kelly for final approval before it is given to the president.

Mr. Priebus had tried to take firmer control of that process after Mr. Trump’s first week in office, when Stephen K. Bannon, the recently departed chief strategist, and Stephen Miller, the president’s senior policy adviser, pushed across the president’s desk two orders redesigning the National Security Council, and putting in place the first, court-contested travel ban on seven predominantly Muslim countries.

In the second memo, Mr. Kelly and Mr. Porter set up a system for deciding policy issues that have a legal aspect, such as executive orders, to ensure that all sides of the issue are heard. Any decision made in a meeting will be formalized in a memo that has to go through Mr. Porter and then Mr. Kelly for final sign-off.

That process is expected to curtail freelancing and hijacking of decisions by West Wing aides. Mr. Bannon was often accused of taking advantage of the loose process, but Mr. Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and his daughter, Ivanka Trump, who both work in the West Wing, have also frustrated their colleagues for months by going directly to the president on specific issues.

On Mr. Kelly’s first day on the job, he held a small meeting with top aides to the president after a fuller staff meeting. He told them that Oval Office access to Mr. Trump, which was once nearly universal to people coming through the West Wing, would be strictly limited to appointments only.

The exceptions, Mr. Kelly said, were the president’s wife and his 11-year-old son. And, he added, turning to Ivanka Trump, who was seated near him, the president’s eldest daughter, if she was speaking to him as a daughter and not a member of his staff. Mr. Kushner and Ms. Trump quickly gave in to Mr. Kelly’s new system, two White House officials said.

Since Mr. Trump returned from a working vacation at his golf club in New Jersey, the newly renovated West Wing has taken on a more formal air. Not only is the door to the Oval Office closed, preventing passers-by from catching the president’s eye, but a corridor door leading to the president’s office has also been kept closed.

Mr. Trump, who often complained about Mr. Priebus, appears to have absorbed the need for one person to run the staff. The changes Mr. Kelly has put in place have resulted in a more streamlined, functional government, administration officials said.

But Mr. Trump, presidential experts say, has shown he is immune to efforts to bring lasting change to his own behavior. And that could ultimately undermine Mr. Kelly’s mission.

“Let’s assume for the moment that Trump has learned the first big lesson of his first six months, which is that you have to empower the White House chief of staff to be a real gatekeeper,” said Chris Whipple, author of “The Gatekeepers: How the White House Chiefs of Staff Define Every Presidency.”

“What he hasn’t learned, what he has shown no sign of learning, is that governing is completely different from campaigning,” Mr. Whipple said.